Führer quote

‘By nature the Duce is a freethinker, but he decided to choose the path of concessions. For my part, in his place I’d have taken the path of revolution. I’d have entered the Vatican and thrown everybody out—reserving the right to apologise later: “Excuse me, it was a mistake.” But the result would have been, they’d have been outside!’

Hitler’s Table Talk, page 145

Published in: on April 13, 2019 at 12:01 am  Comments (5)  


  1. National Socialism predates fascism by at least 20 years:

    I know its Wikipedia, but still

    Italian fascism has next to nothing to do with NS:

    [removed link]

    • Please don’t add bare links.

      • The Italian Royals contempt of the ordinary Italian is brought out in Mussolini’s writings. Its no wonder they were “deposed” post-WW2, even though Italian Fascism had failed.

        Of course in 1943 post-Mussolini, what if the SS had cleansed the vatican city?

      • OK.

        “Georg Ritter von Schönerer (17 July 1842 – 14 August 1921) was an Austrian landowner and politician of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy active in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. A major exponent of pan-Germanism and German nationalism in Austria as well as a radical opponent of political Catholicism and a fierce antisemite, his agitation exerted much influence on the young Adolf Hitler. Schönerer was known for a generation to be the most radical pan-German nationalist in Austria.”

        “Shaken by the Austrian defeat in the 1866 Austro-Prussian War, the dissolution of the German Confederation and the foundation of the German Empire in 1871, young Schönerer became a political activist and ardent admirer of the German chancellor Otto von Bismarck. Indeed, Schönerer wrote passionately admiring letters to Bismarck, and continued doing so even after Bismarck made it clear that he rejected any sort of Austrian-German nationalism and would not allow the pan-Germans in Austria to jeopardize the Dual Alliance.
        During the turmoil of the Panic of 1873, Schönerer was elected to Cisleithanian Austria’s Imperial Council parliament as a liberal representative, but became more and more a German nationalist as his career progressed. Soon he became widely known for his oratory and was considered a firebrand in parliament. He broke with his party three years later, agitating against “Jewish” capitalism, against the ruling Catholic Habsburg dynasty, and against the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. This occupation he condemned as a betrayal of German interests. During a speech he said, ‘More and more, and ever more loudly, one can hear the German crown provinces exclaim: If only we already belonged to the German Reich and were finally rid of Bosnia and its entourage!'”

        “Tensions rose in 1879 after the accession of Austrian minister-president Eduard Taaffe, whose monarchist politics Schönerer and his followers considered “anti-German.” By 1882 he, together with politicians like Viktor Adler and Heinrich Friedjung, had worked out the Linz Program (“not liberal, not clerical, but national”) of the German national movement, which would become a considerable force in Austrian politics. The program aimed at the autonomy of the predominantly German-speaking Cisleithanian crown lands, including the split-off of “alien” Galicia, Bukovina and Dalmatia, and their affiliation with the German Empire ruled by the House of Hohenzollern. These plans even fit with the ideas of Polish, Hungarian and Croatian nationalists, but if they had been put into practice they would have entailed the disempowerment of the House of Habsburg and the Germanisation of the Czech lands in Bohemia.”

        “Schönerer’s approach became the model for German national Burschenschaften student fraternities and numerous associations in Cisleithanian Austria. In turn, Jewish activists like Theodor Herzl began to adopt the idea of Zionism. Schönerer’s authoritarianism, popular solidarism, nationalism, pan-Germanism, anti-Slavism, and anti-Catholicism appealed to many Viennese, mostly working-class. This appeal made him a powerful political figure in Austria, and he considered himself leader of the German Austrians. Defying the Austrian education ministry’s prohibition of pan-German symbols in schools and colleges, Schönerer urged German Austrians to wear blue cornflowers (known to be the favourite flower of German Emperor William I) in their buttonholes, along with cockades in the German national colours (black, red, and yellow), as a way to show pride in their German identity and dismissal of the multi-ethnic Austro-Hungarian Empire. Like many other Austrian pan-Germans, Schönerer hoped for the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and an Anschluss with Germany.”

        “Schönerer’s movement had various strict criteria: it only allowed its members to be Germans; none of the members could have relatives or friends who were Jews or Slavs, and before any member could be married, he or she had to prove “Aryan” descent and have his or her health checked for any potential defects. Other pan-German movements generally followed suit by expelling Jews and generally Slavs as well.
        Schönerer was addressed by his supporters as the “Führer,” and he and his followers also used the “Heil” greeting, two things Hitler and the National Socialists later adopted. Schönerer and his followers would often meet during the summer and winter and celebrate German history and listen to German battle songs. Schönerer told his followers to prepare for a battle between Germans and Jews, he said, ‘If we don’t expel the Jews, we Germans will be expelled!'”

        A speech from this man:

        “Fellow members of the German Race!
        In view of the ever bolder advances by foreign-language elements on old German-speaking soil, it seems urgently necessary to found a national union. In the former imperial territories that comprise the core of the Austrian State, it shall offer like-minded German men the possibility of organization, and thereby make possible the creation of a resolutely national party on a liberal and popular foundation. The union of Volk comrades that we thereby create shall consider the protection of the national interests of the Germans in Austria its guiding principle. In all questions, it shall apply the national standard as the decisive one.

        Not only through the struggle with Slavdom do we wish to give lively expression to the solidarity of the German race in Austria. We also wish to give expression to that feeling through struggle against reprehensible class rule, as well as against exploitation of the most noble forces within the people to the advantage of the few.

        We wish to work for the declaration of the German language as the language of the State, and for the creation of a nationalities law. It would stipulate above all that the German language be taught as an obligatory subject in all secondary schools and universities in Austria, and that besides the language of the State, only languages native to a given political district possess any right to consideration.

        We wish to replace the current relationship to Hungary with a personal union [i.e., Hungary and Austria would have nothing more in common than a Habsburg ruler]. We also wish to bring about a separation of Galicia, similar to the relationship between Croatia and Hungary. Only thus can the national and political independence of the former German imperial territories within the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy be achieved.

        We must never forget that the German regions of Austria have constituted a part of the German Empire for a millennium.

        We must therefore consider it our national duty to strengthen the federal comradeship with the German Empire through laws, and to have as our unshakable – although perhaps distant – goal the establishment of an organic and constitutional relationship with Germany, as well as a customs union of the two empires that will guarantee equalizing protection of native products against foreign competition.

        These are our goals in national matters.

        The union that we wish to found should pave the way for the establishment of a national party on a popular basis. It will be an independent party of clean hands and an honest and German heart. Thus shall we distance ourselves at the very start from all cosmopolitan and unreliable elements.

        Our earnest entreaty thus goes out to all German men who are inclined to assemble for the realization of the principles listed above: join with the undersigned for the purpose of taking further steps toward the creation of an association.”

  2. “jewish” capitalism as long as there is a stock market there will be jewish tyranny. (whitie — the white masses (not the white elite few who recognize themselves as aryan) — can’t resist the temptation of living the good life made possible by the unearned income that jew capitalism builds on.)

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