Why American racialism is doomed

Or

A response to an anonymous commenter

 

It is doomed because it provides a self-righteous and self-serving worldview where the US and Christianity seldom appear in the dock (only the Jews). My recent experience in the comments section of The Unz Review is that racialist Christians are a lost cause. One Christian went so far as to blame Hitler for the Hellstorm perpetrated on the Germans by the Allies (which includes the country of the commenter in question).

Patriotardism applies even to the American I have considered the noblest of all. As Bolton said in the long article I have reproduced this morning: ‘Yockey was not well received by American National Socialist George Lincoln Rockwell, who condemned “Yockeyism” as “dangerous” and “evil”.’ Bolton added:

The cultural front remains pivotal to the expansion of American global hegemony, the spreading of cultural pathology being far more insidious and intrusive than bombs or even debt, as Yockey was among the first to warn, while much of the rest of the “Right” including Rockwell’s American Nazis aligned themselves with the US Establishment vis-à-vis the USSR and American hegemony.

This thing about the ‘cultural front’ and the ‘expansion of American global hegemony’ reminds me of something. Although he is another patriotard, I have recently been linking to the lectures of John Mearsheimer because his view of relations between states is—unlike the liberal hallucinations—very realistic. See for example what Mearsheimer says about his country’s hegemony in minutes 22 to 28 starting here.

What strikes me about Kerry Bolton’s essay, which was published a dozen years ago, is that Yockey was more Cassandra than our contemporary Bolton about Russia’s relationship with China:

He saw a resurgent Islam as providing a bloc that diminished World Zionism without augmenting “Russian-Chinese power.” Here Yockey was significantly in error in seeing China-Russia as a bloc. There was no Sino-Soviet bloc during Yockey’s time, and there is not one now, despite a temporary pragmatic alliance. The US and China will more likely form a bloc to contain Russia, just as they did during the 1970s. Such a conclusion is within the scope of cultural morphology, although the Russo-Chinese conflict only became apparent shortly after Yockey’s death… The world situation as it now stands has changed since Yockey’s time, but Yockey’s analytical method remains legitimate, even if it leads to conclusions regarding Russia, China, and the US that differ from Yockey’s own.

Now, after what just happened in Ukraine thanks to Putin’s decision, we see that Yockey—who died in 1960!—had a perfect grasp of international relations. He also understood what the US represented. Surprisingly, Bolton, who is a couple of years older than me, is based in New Zealand and holds doctorates in Historical Theology and Theology. Is he aware of the real history of Christianity, or that Jesus didn’t even exist? I don’t know if he is still a Christian but yesterday, at Occidental Dissent, a commenter said:

Most White people are Christian whether they practice or not. It is the foundation of Western society from Rome on. Henrik and Lana are extremely respectful towards the Faith and I will stand with any Pro White pagan as my brother and sister. The moment you go anti-Christian you are either a plant or a bad actor who I have no use for.

The problem with this way of thinking is that it never answers the serious accusations that for a century have been made against the religion of our parents from the viewpoint of racial preservation. When has one of these guys ever deigned to say a word, for example, about the essay we have labelled the ‘masthead’ of this site, which is about the fate of ‘Western society from Rome on’? Robert Morgan has providential patience for arguing with the semi-normie Christians of The Unz Review. I don’t claim I have such patience, though I would like to say something about the Anon who a couple of days ago responded to me with these words:

Dr. Morgan, while wrong about Christianity, is right about one thing: Anti-Christian white nationalists will get nowhere in the US for the obvious reason that most American whites consider themselves at least nominally Christian.

These anti-Christian white nationalists do more than just silo themselves off in an echo chamber. They positively beg to be disliked with their insulting language about “a kike on a stick”, “that sky fairy you believe in”, “Christcuck”, etc. It’s hard to imagine a group more committed to self-sabotage.

You’d think they would know better. Their ideological forebears—David Duke, George Lincoln Rockwell, Tom Metzger and Harold A. Covington—did not make this mistake. They had enough education in history—which is the chief missing ingredient in white nationalism today—to know 1) that Christianity was more friend than foe, and 2) that attacking it would get them nowhere.

This portrays things like a photographic negative. If Christian ethics is the central aetiological factor in white decline, those of us who are aware of it mustn’t keep quiet: it is American Christians who must become apostates.

David Duke is a nominal Christian, isn’t he? Savitri Devi immediately realised that Rockwell was making a mistake in praising Christianity in his pamphlets, as we recently saw in instalment #13 of Savitri’s book. As for Tom Metzger and Harold Covington, old-fashioned racists that died not long ago, neither knew the real history of Christianity, of which we recently translated #141 of Deschner’s abridged books. Obviously, Anon hasn’t read a single line about Christianity’s real history either.

Even in the comments section of this site, this morning I had to repeat what I have said a million times because racist Americans, who don’t want to break with the double helix that’s killing them,* still don’t pay attention to what we have been saying. There is no excuse for this, as the books linked on the sidebar provide a comprehensive overview of a new paradigm in which the CQ—not the JQ—explains perfectly white decline.
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(*) By double helix I refer to their nation’s project—read ‘Bolton on Yockey’ that I posted today!—plus Christianity.

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 94

On the other hand, the old bond of affection which so often linked man to his horse or ox—his faithful working companion—exists less and less. The French peasant, whose attachment to his oxen was sung by Pierre Dupont not so long ago,[1] now uses a tractor. The European farmer has either preceded or followed him in this ‘progress’. The farmer in the ‘underdeveloped’ countries will sooner or later follow him, thanks to technical assistance from the USA or the Soviet Union, and intensive propaganda. Beef will be used less and less, except as a beast of slaughter. The horse too, alas!

Of course, the ‘good old days’ allowed for many cruelties. I clearly remember the indignation (and hatred of man) that I felt as a child at the sight of the brutality of certain carters, both in the city and in the country.

And venerable antiquity—including ancient Egypt, the gentlest, along with that of India—has left us some examples of scenes which have nothing to envy to those which, between 1910 and 1920, provoked, at the same time as my impotent anger, my mother’s verbal and often also legal intervention. Among the images of daily life that are spread out on the walls of an Egyptian tomb from the 28th century BC, there is one that represents a man beating a poor donkey that, with its long ears flattened back, its large eyes full of terror, seems to be begging him. The 28th century was already the Dark Ages, despite all the science implied at the time, among the elite, for the construction, relatively recent, of the Pyramids of Giza.

I alluded above to the hunts of antiquity and the bloody games in the Roman circuses, as well as to the vivisection practised, as far as I know, as early as the 6th century BC at the instigation of the ‘scientific curiosity’ of certain Greeks. And the world has, on the whole, throughout this cycle gone from bad to worse.

Apart from the great misery of donkeys and dogs in Eastern countries, and in particular in Muslim countries—a misery which continues—we could mention the horrible treatment inflicted on cats, and especially black cats, in Western Europe in the Middle Ages and up to the 18th or even 19th century—a long practice of nameless abominations,[2] whose effect in the invisible has been, perhaps, to render the continent, collectively, responsible and unworthy of any recovery during this cycle—in particular, unworthy of Hitlerism, which could have delayed, by a few decades, the degeneration.

 

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Editor’s note: ‘Whose effect in the invisible…’ Really, after the 1945 catastrophe, Savitri has been the most insightful person.

Today, for example, I spent much of the morning looking at the countless comments on The Unz Review about Anglin’s article that I linked to on this site yesterday. Although I liked some of them, for example the criticism of Steve Sailer, the thought came to me that–unlike Savitri’s prose—all this verbal diarrhoea only confuses the honest normie who wants to cross to the other side of the psychological Rubicon. We need to become more like the laconic Spartans and less like the Judaised whites (remember: it is the Jew who uses insipid farrago to say things that can be said with few words).

Savitri was even above Pierce in that Pierce abandoned honouring Hitler and his Reich after Rockwell was murdered; and even above Rockwell himself in that he wanted to mix the unmixable: American patriotism and fair tolerance of Judeo-Christianity with National Socialism.

I still haven’t received Savitri’s magnum opus, which cost me 70€, left me broke and I can only hope it won’t get lost in the corrupt Mexican postal system. But I’ll certainly be reading, when I finish her Reflections, other of her texts until I understand her better. It doesn’t matter that we don’t agree on everything.

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[1] One remembers the well-known song: ‘I have two big oxen in my stable, two big white oxen, marked with red…’

[2] See Dr Fernand Méry’s books, His Majesty the Cat and The Cat, in which it is recalled that the unfortunate so-called ‘diabolic’ animals were ‘crucified, flayed alive, thrown screaming into the braziers’.

History of American NS, 7

The National Socialist White
People’s Party (1967-1982)

Second day of the sixth congress of the NSWPP and the
World Union of National Socialists, Milwaukee, 1975.

A telephone call came into the national headquarters of the National Socialist White People’s Party about half-past noon on August 25, 1967. National Secretary Matt Koehl took the call. It was a person claiming to be a reporter. He wanted the party’s comment on the assassination of NSWPP founder George Lincoln Rockwell. Koehl hung up without replying; he assumed it was one of the dozens of prank calls that the headquarters received each day. He knew that Rockwell was alive, as he had spoken to him in person some 40 minutes earlier; now he was impatiently waiting for the Commander’s return from the local laundromat so that he could use the vehicle that Rockwell had taken for a party activity.

Moments later the phone rang again, and once more it was someone else who said he was a reporter, asking for a comment on Rockwell’s death. Again Koehl hung up. Within seconds there was a third call – but this time, before Koehl could slam down the receiver, he heard the caller say the word ‘laundromat’.

‘It was as if an icy-cold hand gripped my hear’, he later said.

Koehl quickly dispatched a trooper on foot to run down to the laundromat, about a quarter-mile away, to see if Commander Rockwell was all right. Shortly afterwards, the trooper returned. He was out of breath and drenched in sweat from running in the 90-degree summer heat. Commander Rockwell had been shot, he reported. His body was laying on the parking lot pavement, surrounded by a crowd of curious onlookers who were being held back by the police.

‘I instantly knew two things’, Koehl later recalled. ‘First, that he had been killed to stop his life’s work, and second, that I would not let that happen’.

The era of George Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party was over, and the era of Matt Koehl and the National Socialist White People’s Party had begun.

 
Transition and survival

Technically, the era of the American Nazi Party had ended some nine months earlier, when Rockwell had renamed the group as the NSWPP. The name change was only one component of a sweeping program he had announced to transform the noisy band of political dissidents he had gathered around himself into a serious political movement for angry American Whites. The transition of the party from a group specializing in street theatre to one engaging in legitimate grass-roots activism had only just begun when Rockwell was killed. It fell on Koehl and his co-workers to carry it out as best they could.

But Koehl had a more-pressing priority before him: the very survival of the party itself.

In the tumultuous days and weeks following the assassination, the party initially rallied behind Koehl as its new leader. At first, Koehl refused to assume the title of ‘commander’, although as Rockwell’s designated successor he was entitled to do so.

Instead, he called himself ‘National Leader’. He imposed a two-year probationary period on himself. At the end of that time, he said, he would consult the party’s membership, and if they were satisfied with the job he was doing, then he would continue as ‘commander’. Otherwise, he would step aside.

But the initial surge of party solidarity that followed Rockwell’s death soon evaporated, and fissures in its organizational structure emerged. Part of the problem was that Koehl, then 32 years old, had a very different personality from Rockwell, who was 49 at the time of his death. The 6’4’ Rockwell was gregarious and dramatic and dominated the gathering whenever he entered a room. All eyes were on him. The younger, smaller Koehl, on the other hand, was quiet and introverted. Some in the party mistook his low-key personality as a sign of weakness. They thought that it would be easy for them to control him. All bookishness aside, however, Koehl possessed an iron will and a clear vision of what needed to be done to build National Socialism in America. Soon, his critics were gone, either having been expelled for insubordination or having voluntarily resigned. Some of them convinced that they could do a better job than Koehl, set up their mini versions of the ‘American Nazi Party’. We will discuss some of these splinter groups in the next instalment of this series.

So, despite the unprecedented avalanche of free publicity that followed the assassination, the NSWPP soon found itself short of manpower and money. The party headquarters in Chicago and Los Angeles were shuttered, and key personnel were transferred to Arlington. The NSWPP’s printing plant in Spotsylvania, Virginia, was also closed, and the group lost its mail-order operation in Dallas, Texas. By the end of 1967, it had been evicted from its famous ‘Hatemonger Hill’ headquarters in Arlington. Enemies of the party gleefully predicted that its end was at hand. The New York Times published a lengthy obituary for the NSWPP, entitled ‘Rockwell’s Nazis Lost without Him’.

But Koehl refused to let the party die. By the middle of 1968, a small brick-and-stone building had been purchased to serve as the new headquarters. An impressive, hardcover edition of Rockwell’s posthumous book, White Power, was published. The new party tabloid newspaper, also called White Power, began to appear although on an irregular basis at first. Soon, the party opened a second facility in Arlington, the ‘George Lincoln Rockwell Bookstore’.

The new momentum was partly due to two officers whom Koehl had recruited: Dr William L. Pierce and Robert Lloyd. Pierce had been a behind-the-scenes consultant to Rockwell during the mid and late 1960s; now in the hour of need, he stepped forward to play a more prominent role. He became the party’s National Secretary and public outreach officer. Pierce brought a new level of professionalism and intelligence to the party’s publications. He also pioneered new outreach forms, such as the ‘White Power Message’. This was a three-minute telephone recording on various topical issues that was changed periodically. Thousands of listeners called the service weekly, including many who were otherwise unwilling to contact the party.

Lloyd had been a captain in Rockwell’s Stormtroops but had drifted away in the year before the assassination. Now, he returned as the group’s National Organizer, charged with recruitment, public activities and with forming new party units throughout the country.

On Labor Day weekend, 1969, some two years after Rockwell’s death, the party held its first-ever national congress, attended by over 120 delegates. The congress included a closed session for full members and officers only. At this time, Koehl’s leadership was unanimously reconfirmed, and he officially became the party ‘commander’.

Yet all was not well within the group. In June 1970, Pierce made a bid to oust Koehl as the party’s supreme leader. Instead, he demanded that the party be run by a committee chaired by himself. Under this scheme, Koehl would stay on as the Movement’s figurehead but would have no power.

Once again, Koehl’s opponents underestimated him. By August 1970, Pierce was gone, as was Robert Lloyd, who had supported Pierce’s power-play. Pierce later admitted that his effort to supplant Koehl had been an error. To use a contemporary term, both men were ‘alpha males’. Each had his vision on where to lead the Movement, and neither was inclined to take orders from the other. Pierce went on to form his group, the National Alliance, which will be discussed in the next instalment of this series.

Happily, despite the ill feelings that accompanied the split, by the end of the decade, Koehl and Pierce were again on speaking terms. As the saying goes, they ‘agreed to disagree’ on the best way forward for our Race. Still, Pierce’s departure was a major setback for the Rockwell movement.

But the ‘Pierce mutiny’ (as it was called within the NSWPP), was only the first in a decade-long series of similar episodes. Time and again, Koehl would build the NSWPP up to a certain level, only to have all of the progress undone by internal difficulties.

 
Koehl as a leader

Both inside and outside the party, people measured Koehl as a leader against their memories of Rockwell. And at first, Koehl made the same comparison himself. By such standards, he fell far short. For one thing, he lacked Rockwell’s charisma and exuberance. At the beginning of his tenure, Koehl’s speaking ability was poor. He did not have Rockwell’s ability to improvise before an audience. Instead, Koehl would read his speeches from a typewritten text, only rarely looking up. Over time, he developed into an impressive and dynamic speaker – but that is not how he started.

His effort to be an imitation of Lincoln Rockwell was a failure. He later told me that just as each of us has a unique personality, so each leader must find his unique style of leadership. It was a mistake, he said, for him to try and copy Rockwell’s style, as his personality and talents were far different. But in time he found his leadership style. It included careful forethought, methodical preparation and scrupulous attention to detail. He used the organizational sections of Mein Kampf as an inflexible guide to party-building and operations. But like Rockwell, he also led from the front. He was injured and arrested numerous times on party activities, although as commander he could have held himself aloof from danger. Above all, he never asked his men for something that he was not willing to do.

A famous example of this took place in Miami, Florida, on August 20, 1972, when Koehl spearheaded 23 Stormtroops in civilian clothes in a raid on a Marxist encampment in Flamingo Park. Koehl led the National Socialists in capturing the speakers’ platform, which the ST men then defended for two hours against repeated assaults by hundreds of communists before finally being overrun and forced from the park. The event, which took place near the site of the Republican presidential convention, garnered the NSWPP worldwide news coverage.

Gradually, a corps of Koehl loyalists emerged, both in Arlington and local units scattered across the country. These were men and women who understood and appreciated his disciplined leadership style in itself, as different as it was from Rockwell’s freewheeling, impromptu leadership of the previous decade.

Rockwell’s strategy had been based on what we may call ‘punctuated equilibrium’: long periods of stasis interspersed with dramatic breakthroughs. Koehl, on the other hand, worked on the theory of slow growth and consolidation:small, incremental gains that added up over a long period.

At first, Koehl, adhered to Rockwell’s Four-Phase program (discussed previously) as closely as he could. But over time, he began to diverge from it, only a little bit at first, and then more and more as time went on. Instead, he made practical progress in building the party whenever he could, with no real thought to a long-term NS ‘seizure of power’.

 
The NSWPP in the 1970s

Under Koehl’s leadership, the NSWPP grew into an impressive, nationwide organization with headquarters and bookstores in major US cities, such as Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Cleveland, Los Angeles and elsewhere. For a while, it had a 15-minute program of news commentary on AM radio, entitled The Future Calls. The White Power newspaper was published monthly, and an internal newsletter, the NS Bulletin was issued twice a month. In addition, the party published a theoretical journal on behalf of the World Union of National Socialists. But it was not its publications for which the Party was best known, but rather for its relentless, high-energy, high-profile public activism.

Full membership in the party was restricted to those comrades who had proven their full commitment to the cause. Those who applied for membership were vetted. After a probationary period lasting from one to two years, they had to pass an interview before a panel of party officers. As a minimum, members were expected to tithe ten per cent of their net income to the party, to purchase and distribute fifty copies of White Power each month, and attend all private and public party activities in their area.

In addition to the party itself, there were three auxiliary formations. The best known was the paramilitary Stormtroops (ST). There was also a women’s auxiliary (the National Socialist Women’s Organization or NSWO) and a youth group (the National Socialist Youth Movement or NSYM). The NSW did not take part in public demonstrations but served behind the scenes in a support capacity. The NSYM provided National Socialist training for young men 14 through 17, who then normally went on to join the ST.

The party reached its numerical peak during the mid-1970s. At that point, it had approximately 600 Official Supporters and another hundred full and probationary members. The ST numbered approximately 200 men nationwide. The NSWPP routinely conducted uniform demonstrations with fifty to a hundred participants and on a few occasions, the number of troopers was over a hundred. In 1973, at the fifth NSWPP national congress in Cleveland, Koehl led 126 uniformed Stormtroops in a public march down Euclid Avenue. The police were present but kept their distance – as did a dispirited gaggle of ‘anti-Nazi’ protestors. In contrast, Rockwell had never been able to field more than two-dozen or so troopers on any single occasion.

(Commander Matt Koehl leading a march at the Fifth NSWPP Congress, September 1, 1973.) Some NSWPP activities may seem startling by the standards of 2018. In 1976 and 1977, a contingent of uniformed Stormtroops, led by three drummers and a flag bearer, marched in the annual Arlington, Virginia, Fourth of July parade, along with the high school band, the VFW, the Rotary and other non-controversial participants. As I can personally attest, the National Socialists received both cheers and catcalls from onlookers along the parade route.

Other activities were less peaceful and ended in violence when party personnel were attacked. One such dramatic episode took place in December 1977, when a half-dozen ST men repelled an attack on the Arlington headquarters by 40 communists armed with rocks and clubs. One ST man and four Reds were hospitalized from injuries they received in the brawl.

Beginning in 1975, the NSWPP began running candidates for local office as open National Socialists in areas where it had a strong organizational presence. Typically, the candidates would run for the school board or mayor. Party candidates never won less than 5.5 per cent of the vote, and on a few occasions they received nearly 20 per cent. In some instances, the percentage of the White vote was upwards of 30 per cent.

The strongest results for the party came in the February 1977 primary race for the Milwaukee school board. The NSWPP fielded two candidates, Sandra Osvatic and Sandra Enders. Both were members of the NSWO and had husbands in the ST. Both women received about twenty per cent of the vote cast; Comrade Enders, with 7,710 votes, came within 300 votes of winning her seat. In contrast, Lincoln Rockwell had garnered only 5,730 votes – barely one per cent – when he ran for governor of Virginia in 1965.

These election results amazed political observers. If a minimum of five per cent of the voters nationwide were prepared to vote for the NSWPP, this indicated that the party had a potential base of support in White America of 10 million people.

 
Theoretical development

Rockwell had deliberately kept the program and outreach of the party very simple. For him, just displaying the Swastika and images of Adolf Hitler was sufficient to establish the Movement as National Socialist. To the degree that there was an ideology, it was a mélange of basic NS racialism, common sense, and traditional American right-wing policies. Rockwell himself had a penetrating and profound understanding of Hitlerian National Socialism, but he thought that an appeal based solely on the ideas embodied in Mein Kampf and practised in the Third Reich would be impossible to sell to American Whites. Consequently, he put forth a simplified version of National Socialism that he hoped would resonate among his fellow countrymen.

(Matt Koehl in 1978.) Koehl’s outreach, on the other hand, hewed more strictly to the German model of National Socialism. Unlike Rockwell, Koehl did not have a personal background in the American right, and he had no sympathy for its fixations. He strongly supported the socialist elements in National Socialism. Unlike Rockwell, he did not champion ‘Western Christian civilization’. Rather, his spirituality had a more heathen cast to it. Above all, Koehl stressed the centrality of Adolf Hitler to the National Socialist cause.

In 1980, thirteen years after he had assumed command of the party, a new, formal NSWPP program was issued. It was written jointly by Koehl and his chief of staff, Martin Kerr.
 

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Editor’s note: I was unaware, until today, that Martin Kerr, the author of this series, held this position in the noblest association that has existed in the US since the American government annihilated the Bund!
 

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The new program was known as the ‘Twelve Points’. It presented a comprehensive outline for an American NS state. It included sections on the economy, education, agricultural policy, eugenics, culture, science, ecology and energy, as well as the expected call for racial unity and Aryan sovereignty.

A major theoretical development came in 1980, with the publication of Koehl’s groundbreaking essay, ‘The Revolutionary Nature of National Socialism’, Previously, the stated goal of National Socialism (going back to the era of NS Germany) was the defence of Western civilization. In this new work, however, Koehl declared that Western civilization had declined past the point of any rescue or recovery. Consequently, the proper goal of National Socialism was to prepare the way for a post-Western Aryan civilization. In retrospect, it can be seen that this essay was an ideological precursor to the 1983 transition from the NSWPP to the New Order, which will be discussed below.

 
The World Union of National Socialists

Koehl’s NSWPP continued participation in the World Union of National Socialists which Rockwell had helped to form a decade earlier.

In 1975, he made a successful organizational tour of Europe, where he contacted many Oldfighters of the NSDAP. Although some German National Socialists held the US movement in low regard, Koehl had built the NSWPP up to a point where they began to consider it in a more serious light.

Among those with whom he established connections were former Hitler Youth leader Arthur Axmann, Dr Hans Severus Ziegler, and Florentine Rost van Tonnigen (wife of the martyred Dutch NS leader). He also became friends with the NS pilots Hans Baur, Hans-Ulrich Rudel and Hanna Reitsch. Significantly, Koehl was the only American present at the funeral of the famous SS commander Otto Skorzeny.

Especially important, both to Koehl personally and the Movement, was the friendship that he established with Winifred Wagner, daughter-in-law of the renowned composer Richard Wagner and an early and continuing supporter of Adolf Hitler.

 
The decline of the NSWPP

In 1978, the party began another period of contraction. It was not that the party was doing anything differently, but rather that the mood of the country had changed. The social and political upheaval that had characterized the 1960s and early 1970s had faded away. That period had included such phenomena as Black rioting and ‘civil rights’ demonstrations; massive protests against the unpopular Vietnam War, the rise of the drug-oriented youth subculture and a general breakdown of traditional White society and values. This unrest and ferment alarmed many Whites and thus provided a fertile field for the growth of the NSWPP. But as the mood of the country shifted, the fortunes of the NS movement began to wane.

The election of Ronald Reagan as president in 1980 only intensified the deradicalization of White America. Many American Whites foolishly believed that Reagan would turn the clock back and reestablish White supremacy and traditional White values. Hence, some people who had previously supported the party now felt that the need for an extreme ‘Nazi’ alternative to the established order was unnecessary: they mistakenly believed that the System had fixed itself.
 

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Editor’s note: Exactly the same mistake that the more recent internet movements (‘race realism’, ‘white nationalism’, ‘alt-right’ or ‘alt-lite’, etc.) has been committing for decades!
 

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Party membership dropped off, donations declined, and it became harder to recruit qualified personnel for headquarters staff. Demonstrations became smaller and smaller, and it was more difficult to find candidates to stand for public office. Whether by coincidence or design, this period of party weakness also saw a rise in attacks on the Movement by the federal government. In particular, an effort was made by the Internal Revenue Service to bankrupt the NSWPP and seize its assets. Ultimately, Koehl was able to turn back these attacks, but only at an enormous cost that left the party drained of financial resources and energy.

 
Transition to the New Order

Koehl began to question whether the whole idea of gaining power under the banner of National Socialism was actually possible. It is true that he could build up the party – but only to a certain level. Rockwell’s original plan was for a sprint to power: he had hoped to become president by 1972. Now it was apparent that building an NS America was going to be more of a marathon race than a 50-yard dash. Consequently, a new approach was needed.

Matt Koehl was not just the leader of a movement on the fringes of polite society. He was also a thinker and theorist with a powerful intellect. Decades of reading and studying had convinced him that the problems facing the White nations of the world were deeper than even most National Socialists realized. It was not just a matter of the Jewish subversion of White society and the corrupt nature of the White elites. Rather, he felt, the very basis of Aryan society had been infected with alien spiritual values.

Consequently, efforts to gain political power by the Movement were ill-conceived. Even in the highly unlikely event that the party was able to outmanoeuvre and overpower its enemies, he reasoned, the diseased roots of White society would prevent the construction of a healthy NS state.

Western civilization was doomed, he believed, and there was no way that it could be rescued or saved. Rather, he felt, the proper focus for the National Socialist movement was to prepare the foundations for a post-Western Aryan civilization.

On January 1, 1983, Koehl dissolved the National Socialist White People’s Party and reorganized it as the New Order. While the NSWPP had been a political formation, the New Order was to have a spiritual or religious focus. In essence, Koehl was seeking to establish a whole new religion for Aryan humanity, which would provide a healthy basis upon which a future White civilization could be built.

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Editor’s note: During the West’s darkest hour this step was understandable. Perhaps what Koehl lacked was the new information about the true origins of Christianity, a true apocalypse for whites (see our masthead)?
 

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The transition to the New Order was highly unpopular with many NSWPP comrades, and it led to a mass exodus from the Movement. Nevertheless, Koehl was convinced of the correctness of his decision and did not back down from implementing it, regardless of its popularity (or lack thereof) among his base of support. He strongly believed that it was his sacred duty to lead the Movement in the direction that he thought best, even if some comrades did not fully agree or understand.

 
Summing up the NSWPP

Even more so than the German-American Bund of the 1930s, Koehl created an organization that was a miniature American version of the NSDAP. But, paradoxically, that was both its strength and its weakness. What drew its members to it was a love and appreciation for Hitler and Hitler’s Germany. But this same focus on the past kept it from appealing to a wider audience.

The NSWPP had a split personality: On one hand, it was a highly ideological vanguard organization that demanded the utmost commitment from its members; on the other hand, it spent an enormous proportion of its slim resources appealing to the ordinary American Whites, who had no interest in Hitler or NS Germany. This was a contradiction that Rockwell had been attempting to resolve at the time of his death, but he had made only a tentative beginning in fixing it.

An example of this paradox was the stormtrooper uniform and the accompanying stormtrooper demonstrations. Certainly, the uniform was a force multiplier (to use a military term): a handful of troopers in uniform attracted many times more attention than the same number in civilian clothes. The publicity that the party received allowed the NSWPP to project itself in the public eye far beyond what its numbers would have otherwise allowed. But at the same time, the uniform was a barrier in terms of recruitment, as most Whites who were sympathetic to the party’s core message were unwilling to take part in uniformed public activities. The same could be said for the party’s outreach overall: only a tiny fraction of those Whites who agreed with the party were willing to join or participate because of its ‘Nazi’ image. Thus, the NSWPP was never able to actualize its full potential as a mass organization.

At the same time, focusing its energies and resources on spreading its message to a mass audience prevented the party from maturing as an elite vanguard formation. For one thing, many of those who did join up had unsuccessful lives or marginal personalities – that is, people who had nothing to lose. Such types were the opposite of an elite. They were allowed in, however, because they were the ones who were willing to participate in unformed demonstrations.

In its final years, the party did put an end to uniformed demonstrations. But it struggled to find activities to replace what had been its propaganda mainstay for over twenty years.

In some respects, the 1970s NSWPP was the high point of post-World War II American National Socialism. Other organizations with a belief system sympathetic to National Socialism have been larger, such as the White Patriot Party in the 1980s or the National Alliance in the late 1990s and early 2000s. But in terms of being a complete, open NS movement, none have surpassed the NSWPP.

As mentioned above, there were other NS, pro-NS or semi-NS organizations active in the United States during the same period that the NSWPP existed. These other groups combined had perhaps ten per cent of the strength of the NSWPP in terms of manpower and financial resources. With one exception, these groups were formed as a breakaway splinter of the NSWPP. Nevertheless, no survey of American National Socialism would be complete without mentioning them. These splinter groups will be the subject of the next instalment in this series.

Published in: on December 21, 2021 at 3:24 pm  Comments Off on History of American NS, 7  

History of American NS, 6

The Rockwell years (1959-1967)

When discussing Movement history, the period 1959-1967 is commonly referred to as ‘The Rockwell Years’, and rightly so. George Lincoln Rockwell first raised the Swastika banner in Arlington, Virginia, on March 8, 1959, and he was assassinated there on August 25, 1967. There were indeed other NS and pro-NS organizations on the scene during these years. Some of these were older than Rockwell’s party, such as the National States Rights Party and the National Renaissance Party, which we have previously discussed. Others arose as splinters or rivals of Rockwell’s movement, such as the White Party of America and the American National Party. For their part, the NSRP and the White Party were larger than Rockwell’s American Nazi Party.

But it is Rockwell who dominated the scene in every sense: he led the way in public awareness of the Movement, and forged a new path in the theoretical development of National Socialism. Abroad, he provided the initiative for the formation of the World Union of National Socialists and at home, he set a precedent for mass NS action with the Chicago White people’s rebellion of 1966. While his competitors in the pro-White movement laboured in obscurity, Rockwell was a household name. And everywhere his dynamic personality was felt: he was the standard against which other leaders and organizations were judged.

 
Getting started

In terms of resources and manpower, Rockwell started from zero; he was alone, without even the comfort of his wife and children. The lease would soon expire in the house in which he lived, and the small offset printing press in the basement would also be taken away from him at that time. The political contacts he had in the pro-White movement were scattered across the country, and for the most part, they were already committed to various mini-parties and were not looking for something new. Financially, he was broke. But what he lacked externally he more than made up for with his internal resources: in courage, intellect, imagination and drive.

He hung the huge Swastika banner on his living room wall. The house / headquarters was located on a busy street, and the flag was visible through a picture window to passing motorists and pedestrians. He opened his doors to the curious, and he spent every evening in discussion and debate with those who showed up. Word of the anti-Jewish naval commander with the Swastika flag on his wall spread quickly, and within a few weeks, Rockwell had his first followers. Newspaper publicity followed, and the Rockwell movement was born.

The name he chose for the new party was long and cumbersome. He called it, the ‘American Party of the World Union of Free Enterprise National Socialists’. The ‘American Party’ was the name of a nativist political party of the 19th century, which espoused a sort of proto-racial nationalist ideology. The term ‘Free Enterprise’ was a reflection of Rockwell’s initial unease with the socialist component in National Socialism. Those whom he first recruited almost uniformly came from what the media called the ‘far-right’ in which ‘socialism’ is a dirty word. Rockwell designed a basic khaki uniform for his members, similar to the US class A naval uniform. A Swastika armband was worn on the left arm. A Rockwell innovation was to place a small blue circle in the centre of the Swastika. This symbolized the globe, and thereby the international character of Rockwell’s racialism. Almost immediately, the initial name of the party was shortened to simply the ‘American Nazi Party’. This is the designation by which it would be known throughout Rockwell’s lifetime, and by which American National Socialism is still known today in the popular mind.

 
Rockwell’s strategic plan

Rockwell had spent his entire adult life in the US navy. He had served in World War II and the Korean War. For a time, he was on the staff of the US Naval Mission to Brazil. Consequently, he knew something about military operations and strategic planning. Unlike many movement leaders, who charge off blindly into the political arena with little or no idea of what they are doing, Rockwell had a plan.

He called it the ‘Four Phase Plan’, and it was designed to take Rockwell and the ANP from complete obscurity and impotence on the utmost fringes of the American political spectrum, to the White House. Here are the four phases:

PHASE ONE: Through agitation of all sorts, make the ANP a household name known to every White American. Rockwell was aware that racial nationalist formations were routinely ignored by the mass media. Consequently, they and their programs were completely unknown to the general population. But, he correctly surmised, by proclaiming himself to be an open ‘Nazi’ complete with Swastikas, praise for Adolf Hitler and a program that included gas chambers for ‘Jew traitors’, he could craft a public image so outrageous that the media could not ignore him. He would force the Jewish-controlled media to give him the publicity he desired, despite themselves. The downsides of this approach were two-fold: (1) The image that he projected to the public was not one of serious National Socialism, but rather an exaggerated caricature or cartoon version of the real thing; and (2) The publicity that the Party received was always hostile, to the point that it distorted Rockwell’s message even further.

PHASE TWO: Education. Once he had attracted the attention of the general public, he would correct the false image of National Socialism that had been projected to them and instead educate them as to the true nature and belief system of the NS worldview.

PHASE THREE: Organization. Once he had an educated cadre of trained party leaders and a base of support among the population, he would organize the White masses into what he termed a ‘powerful political machine’.

PHASE FOUR: The ultimate phase of Rockwell’s plan was to use the White, NS political machine that he had built to take national power.

He always spoke of taking power legally, through elections. However, as a political realist, he privately conceded that he would use whatever means necessary to secure the existence of the White race: no options were off the table.

Anyone wishing to examine Rockwell’s Four-Phase Plan in further detail should consult the last chapter of his political autobiography, This Time the World (1962), in which he explicates it in depth (pages 416-422 in the standard edition).

Rockwell discussed the plan frequently and publicly. This was a calculated risk on his part: normally, one does not divulge one’s plans to the enemy but instead keeps them secret. By making his plan public, he sought to reassure the authorities (especially the FBI) that he was not seeking to subvert and overthrow the government by force, which is illegal, but instead was seeking to make changes in a legal and peaceful manner. At the same time, he was trying to explain the disreputable and outrageous nature of his propaganda to serious-minded potential recruits who might otherwise be put off by the vulgar language, provocative street theatre and talk of gas chambers.

 
Phase One operations

In the last nine months of his life, Rockwell began to transition the party from Phase One to Phase Two. But for the preceding eight years he had been pushing Phase One as hard as he could, and so it is Phase One activities and propaganda for which he is best remembered.

This included street theatre, in which a handful of uniformed stormtroopers (usually between a half-dozen and a dozen) would march or picket. In addition to displaying the Swastika, they would carry deliberately provocative signs, such as ‘Who Needs Niggers?’, ‘Gas Jew-Communist Traitors’ and ‘Back to Africa’. The sole goal was to draw publicity to the party. Sometimes there would be a fight and arrests. So much the better, Rockwell reasoned, for that would guarantee the notoriety he sought. When he was allowed to present his ideas to a mass audience, as in his famous 1966 interview in Playboy magazine, he would consciously make himself out to be thuggish and buffoonish: he knew if he came across as too sharp and too persuasive, such interviews would never see the light of day.

ANP printed material was likewise designed to be outrageous. Towards the end of Phase One, he wrote: ‘When I began, I purposely made my propaganda as brutal and shockingly rough as I could, simply to force attention. And I have kept everlastingly at the business of building a simple and direct image of all-out hostility to “Jews and niggers” in the minds of millions of Americans, regardless of the costs in other respects’.

The important thing to remember about this approach is that it was a deliberate tactic, crafted to force a hostile news media to give him publicity–any publicity–which he described as ‘the lifeblood of any political movement’. He knew that what he was doing was not a reflection of serious National Socialism; it was a temporary expedient that he intended to abandon as soon as it had achieved its goal of making George Lincoln Rockwell and the ANP household names.

 
Proof of concept: the advent of William Pierce

Throughout his career, Rockwell spoke to many dozens of audiences at colleges and universities. This was an activity that fell into the Phase Two category–education–rather than Phase One. On these occasions, Rockwell could speak directly to the people he wanted to reach; he was not dependent on the media or any other third party. Consequently, he could explain National Socialism to his audience straightforwardly and seriously, without the outrageous slogans and provocative regalia that accompanied ANP street demonstrations. Another benefit of a speaking engagement is that the institution would pay Rockwell an honorarium of a few hundred dollars. The ANP operated on a month-to-month, shoe-string budget, with the staff at the Arlington headquarters were sometimes reduced to a near-starvation diet. The income from the colleges helped keep the party afloat financially.

One such speaking engagement took place at San Diego State College in California, on March 8, 1962. Rockwell, dressed in a suit and tie, spoke respectfully to an audience of some 3,000 students, explaining to them the ANP and its platform. Partway through his presentation, a Jewish student bolted from his seat and jumped up on the stage, attempting to wrest the microphone from Rockwell. Rockwell pushed him away, and as he squared off to fight with the attacker, the Jew punched him twice in the face, breaking his sunglasses. Before Rockwell could respond, two of his security men tackled the Jew from behind and threw him to the ground, pummeling him into submission. Other troublemakers in the audience then jumped up and began shouting, and the rest of Rockwell’s talk was cancelled.

On the surface, it appeared as though his enemies had won that round: they kept Rockwell from speaking. But the Jews had unwittingly played right into his hands. The fracas generated nationwide media coverage for Rockwell. One of those who saw the news reports was Dr William L. Pierce, a 29-year-old physics professor at Oregon State University. The report he saw on the evening news of the debacle in San Diego did not tell him much of what Rockwell had to say, but it gave him enough details that Pierce was intrigued. He dug out the ANP mailing address from a book at the school library and wrote Rockwell a letter.

The two men began corresponding, and in 1964 Pierce left his teaching position and moved across the country to help Rockwell out. This was proof of concept for at least part of Rockwell’s plan: the publicity that he received attracted the attention of a like-minded person of quality who recognized that Rockwell had a serious message to convey, even if his public image was disreputable and semi-comedic.

Pierce was a brilliant man with great moral courage, and in the years and decades to come, he would play a major role in the development of the Movement in the US. His service with Rockwell as a young man was a sort of basic training for him. Pierce never formally joined the ANP, although Rockwell asked him to sign up on several occasions and offered him an officer’s commission in the organization. One problem was that Rockwell insisted that if he were to join, that he would have to participate in at least one or two stormtrooper demonstrations each year. ‘Otherwise’, Rockwell explained, ‘the men will not respect you’. But demonstrations and the whole ‘Nazi’ image were not in keeping with Pierce’s outlook and personality, and so he declined to join. In the short term, this hobbled his Movement career. But the absence of news photographs showing Pierce parading in a ‘Nazi’ uniform meant that doors would be open to him in the years ahead that would not have been open had such photos existed.

Instead, he helped Rockwell in other ways, working on various low-key projects and advising him. In 1966, at his initiative and largely at his own expense, Pierce launched a theoretical journal for the ANP and its international affiliate, the World Union of National Socialists. It was entitled National Socialist World. The journal provided a platform for serious NS exposition on a high intellectual level. It gave a certain heft and gravitas to Rockwell’s movement that it had previously lacked. NS World included both translations of writings from the Third Reich era, and new, post-War material. Among the authors who wrote for it were, in addition to Rockwell himself, British NS leader Colin Jordan, Matt Koehl, Bruno Luedtke (a former Hitler Youth officer and NSDAP member) and Indo-European NS philosopher Savitri Devi. Pierce provided an editorial for each issue.
 

______ 卐 ______

 

Editor’s note: This was the right path to go but, alas, Pierce stopped publishing National Socialist World the next year after the assassination of Rockwell.

 

______ 卐 ______

 

Development of NS theory under Rockwell

In addition to being a man of action, Rockwell was a serious thinker. During his university days, he had majored in philosophy. Rockwell studied Mein Kampf and other original NS materials. He realized that Hitler’s teachings regarding, Nature, Race, Society, Marxism and the Jews were fundamentally correct. At the same time, however, he saw that Hitler’s defeat in 1945 had changed the world forever. The geo-political realities that were obtained before the War had been permanently altered. Before the War, the perception in NS and related circles was that each Aryan nation was menaced internally by Jewish Capitalism, and externally by Soviet-based Jewish-Bolshevism. Accordingly, it was up to each separate Aryan folk or nation to defend itself, or, as Hitler put it, to ‘devise its form of national resurrection’.

In the post-1945 dispensation, Rockwell realized, this had changed. It was not the individual Aryan countries that were threatened, but rather the Aryan race as a whole that was under attack – and in danger of complete extinction. It was only logical, he reasoned, that a race-wide threat required a race-wide response. So, for Rockwell, the political focus was on race, with national concerns being secondary, whereas, in Hitler’s conception, the good of the nation came first.

Rockwell’s almost-exclusive focus on Race as the primary issue had the side effect of marginalizing almost all other NS concerns, especially in the social and economic spheres. The party program made good faith nods at economic theory and social reform, but such issues were never fleshed out, nor were they the focus of party outreach. Exacerbating this neglect was the fact that the ANP was considered – and considered itself – as a far-right organization. Among the right, efforts at social reform and economic justice were considered the purview of the left. The people Rockwell targeted and whom he attracted had little or no concern with such issues.

Another problem was that the confrontational racial nature of ANP outreach made it impossible on a practical level to build bridges to Black nationalists and other non-Whites who shared the National Socialist position on racial separation. Much has been written on Rockwell’s effort to forge a link with the Nation of Islam and other Black separatists, but in fact, nothing concrete was ever achieved on this front, although theoretically trans-racial alliances between National Socialists and non-Whites are certainly possible.

 
World Union of National Socialists

A practical manifestation of Rockwell’s promotion of National Socialism as an international pan-Aryan movement was the World Union of National Socialists. As previously noted, the concept of a ‘World Union’ was already present in his thinking when he founded his party in 1959 under the name ‘World Union of Free Enterprise National Socialists’. But for the first three years of the ANP such a formation was only an idea, not a political reality.

Rockwell’s ANP, however, inspired other National Socialists throughout the world to form similar parties. One of these was the National Socialist Movement, founded in Great Britain by Colin Jordan in April of 1962. In August of that year, Jordan and the NSM hosted a camp in the Cotswold region of England. It was attended by National Socialists from across the globe, including Rockwell.

Among those who participated, besides Rockwell and Jordan, were Bruno Luedtke from Germany, Savitri Devi, John Tyndall and Roland Kerr-Ritchie as well as delegates from Austria, Belgium and France. By the end of the gathering, the assembled comrades had agreed on a preliminary set of guidelines for the ‘World Union of National Socialists’ (Rockwell agreed to drop the term ‘Free Enterprise’ under pressure from the European comrades). The guidelines were known as the ‘Cotswold Agreements’. They named Colin Jordan as the International Leader, Rockwell as the Deputy International Leader, Karl Allen of the ANP as International Secretary, and John Tyndall of the NSM as Assistant International Secretary. The document stated that it was provisional, contingent on its ratification by a ‘World Nazi Congress’ scheduled for the next year.

The 1963 congress never took place. Jordan was imprisoned for political offences shortly after the gathering, and Rockwell became the International Leader. When Karl Allen left the ANP in 1964 after a failed mutiny, Matt Koehl become the International Secretary. The ‘provisional’ declaration, in effect, was made permanent.

The World Union provided for international strategic cooperation for its affiliated organizations (limited to one for each country), as well as participation by individual National Socialists in countries without a formal WUNS affiliate. Eventually, Jordan reorganized the NSM as the British Movement and withdrew from the World Union.

WUNS was never as effective in coordinating international NS operations as Rockwell had hoped. Eventually, after his death, it withered away until it was only a letterhead or symbolic organization. But it was important, nonetheless, for it established National Socialism in practice as a pan-Aryan internationalist movement, and not a movement embodying a racialist version of 19th-century petty nationalism.

 
The precedent of mass action in Chicago

Another precedent established by Rockwell was that of National Socialism as a mass movement for American Whites. In the summer of 1966, the west side of Chicago was rocked by a series of riots by working-class White ethnics who were opposed to the forced integration of their neighbourhoods. Spearheading the effort to break up all-White neighbourhoods was a young Jesse Jackson, who was soon joined by Martin Luther King.

The Whites felt abandoned by the politicians whom they had elected, and by the police, who were protecting Black ‘civil rights’ marchers invading their territory. The churches likewise sided with the Negroes. The media put out a steady stream of anti-White, pro-Black propaganda. Unsurprisingly, Chicago’s powerful Jewish community sided against the Whites. Special hatred was reserved by the White workers for the real estate agents – most of whom were Jews – who were trying through every means, openly and underhanded alike, to sell homes to Blacks in all-White neighbours. Everyone was against them. Who would stand up for the White Man?

The ANP maintained a small storefront office in the White neighbourhood of Gage Park, which had a large population of Italian origin. To the south of Gage Park was the neighbourhood of Marquette Park, which had a large population of Lithuanians and other Baltic peoples. Rockwell instructed his men to offer whatever aid they could to the embattled Whites. What began as noisy White counter-protests turned into violent White riots. A new Rockwell innovation, signs bearing the Swastika and the words ‘White Power’ were quickly adopted by the angry Whites as their emblem.

On August 21, Rockwell and his troopers (dressed in civilian clothes) held a mass rally in Marquette Park. Thousands of Whites cheered Rockwell’s call for White unity and White power under the Swastika. Upon the completion of his speech, Rockwell walked through the crowd, which hailed him as a conquering hero showered him with cash donations.

The enemies of the White workers – city hall, the police, the media, the clergy, the Black agitators, and above all the Jews – were shocked by the enthusiastic embrace of Rockwell by the angry Whites. Within days, King and his cohorts had wrapped up a hasty ‘desegregation’ agreement with the politicians and called off all further marches and other provocations. Indeed, King was so embarrassed that he left Chicago, never to return.

On September 10, Rockwell led a ‘White People’s March’ through White neighbourhoods and into the Black ghetto. Some 300 local citizens joined in. More would have participated but were turned back by police cordons. The authorities were once again flabbergasted by grassroots support for Rockwell and the ANP.

Within a year Rockwell was dead, and his vision of building a powerful base of support for the Movement in the areas in which he had had success was never fulfilled. But he had set the precedent for mass action. He had proved that ordinary American Whites will accept National Socialism and NS leadership when the conditions are right.

 
Rockwell’s final year and the transition to ‘Phase Two’

In the months immediately following the events in Chicago, Rockwell reviewed the state of his party and the progress that it had made. He concluded that it was time to begin to put aside the Phase One activities and concentrate on building a movement with a more serious image and focus. Effective January 1, 1967, he renamed the American Nazi Party as the National Socialist White People’s Party and began to institute other changes. The salutation ‘Sieg Heil!’ was replaced by ‘White Power!’, while ‘Heil Hitler!’ was to be used only within the party and never in public. New literature was written and designed, and older items that had been deliberately scandalous were phased out.

In June, a national leadership conference was held at the party’s national headquarters in Arlington, to brief local leaders from across the country on the movement’s new focus. A new monthly tabloid, entitled White Power: The Newspaper of White Revolution appeared in August, and Rockwell worked feverishly to complete a new book, also entitled White Power.

The specific goal of the new outreach was to recruit and build a base of support among the White middle class, as well as among White service personnel and police officers. Small businessmen were to be specially targeted.

It was at this point that Rockwell was assassinated. His deputy Matt Koehl took over leadership, and with the help of other party old fighters, he attempted to proceed with the changes Rockwell had outlined. How Koehl fared in this endeavour will be discussed in the next instalment of this series. But for now, let us note that in the minds of many people, Rockwell’s reputation, unfortunately, remains linked to the first phase of his program, and not to the next phase, which he was never able to fully implement.

 
Black Friday: August 25, 1967

On the afternoon of June 28, Rockwell and a supporter were returning to the headquarters, when they found the entranceway blocked by a pile of debris. As the makeshift barricade was being cleared, two shots rang out from the woods to Rockwell’s left. With characteristic courage, Rockwell, who was unarmed, charged his attackers. He gave chase for a quarter mile or so until the two men jumped in a vehicle and drove off. A report was filed with the Arlington County police. A few weeks later, Rockwell applied for a permit to carry a concealed weapon – and was turned down. He privately told his colleagues that from behind one of the men resembled John Patler, a former ANP officer whom he had recently expelled from the party for dereliction of duty and spreading dissension within the ranks.

Two months later, Rockwell was shot dead from an ambush at a local shopping centre. A suspect matching Patler’s description was seen running from the site of the crime, and indeed, Patler was subsequently arrested while waiting at a bus stop some distance away. In 1968, Patler was convicted of second-degree murder, and sentenced to twenty years in prison of which he served seven years. As of this writing, he is still alive and living in New York City.

It was a tragic but foreseeable end to Rockwell’s life. As early as 1962, he had predicted his assassination, writing, ‘I knew that I would not live to see the victory which I would make possible, but I would not die before I had made that victory certain’.

 
The Carto connection

So far, we have limited the discussion of American National Socialism in the 1960s to Rockwell and his party. As we previously explained, Rockwell’s presence during that period loomed so large that it overshadowed all other groups and efforts to spread the NS message. But no account of the Movement in the Sixties would be complete without mentioning Rockwell’s more mainstream counterpart: Willis Carto. While Rockwell was the face of the hardcore Hitlerian movement, Carto attempted to build support for it in a less-controversial manner.

Like Rockwell, Carto was a World War II veteran who was unhappy with the course that the country had taken in the postwar period. He felt that the government had been infiltrated with communists, and that, further, it was the Jews who were behind communism. Beginning in the mid-1950s, Carto launched a series of publications and business ventures designed to awaken American Whites to the danger that threatened the republic. But unlike Rockwell, Carto resolved to work within the system, and in particular, within the extreme right-wing of the Republican party.

Beginning in 1960, Carto and Rockwell would meet privately to coordinate their efforts. Carto began by publishing an article by Rockwell explaining the ANP and its approach in his publication Right! For this, he was roundly condemned by respectable conservatives who felt that support for Rockwell was beyond the pale of acceptance – whether Rockwell was right or not. Carto brushed off these criticisms by his more-timid colleagues.

Later Carto started a publishing company called Noontide Press (which still exists today). While not openly advocating National Socialism, Noontide produced books and other publications on race and revisionist history that espoused an essentially NS viewpoint. One of these books was a mass-market edition of Imperium: The Politics of Philosophy and History by Francis Parker Yockey. Yockey was a Fascist rather than a National Socialist, but he dedicated his tome to Adolf Hitler, whom he called ‘the Hero of the Second World War’. Carto also lobbied congress, and in other ways spread a message fundamentally the same as Rockwell’s to a mainstream audience.

 
Other groups

The National States Rights Party founded two years before the ANP was the largest pro-NS group in the country during the Sixties. Although based in the south, it had members and units throughout the US. In 1960, Rockwell was working as hard as he could to stay out of jail and bring in enough money to keep the lights turned on at his headquarters. That same year, the NSRP contested the presidential election, fielding former Arkansas Governor Orville Farbus for president and retired admiral John Crommelin for vice president. The NSRP ticket was on the ballot in five states and won a total of 300,000 votes.

At its height, the NSRP tabloid, The Thunderbolt: The Whiteman’s Viewpoint, had about 25,000 subscribers. Rockwell’s mailing list, in contrast, topped off at about 3,000. And yet, it was Rockwell who had the wider and more lasting impact for the decades.

The debate still rages today whether open advocacy of National Socialism or a slightly modified ‘Americanized’ approach is most effective. Certainly, in day-to-day operations, a concealed approach offers immediate advantages. But the evidence provided by Rockwell’s example suggests that over the long run, an honest, above-board strategy yields the greatest results.

James Madole’s National Renaissance Party was also active throughout the Sixties. However, it became, to a degree, a pale imitation of the ANP. Despite using the thunderbolt instead of the Swastika, and despite using a grey shirt instead of a brown shirt for its activist arm, it never had either the appeal or the success which Rockwell enjoyed.

A splinter of the ANP, called the White Party of America popped up in the middle of the decade. It was led by Karl Allen, former deputy commander of the ANP. The White Party, as it was commonly known, attempted to ape Rockwell’s policies and tactics, but without using the Swastika or referencing Adolf Hitler or National Socialism. It attracted activist types who were put off by Rockwell’s ‘Nazi’ image. In terms of membership, it quickly overtook the ANP. But like the NRP, it never had the impact or influence that Rockwell had.

Rockwell invited Allen and the White Party leadership to the June NSWPP conference mentioned previously. He hoped to merge the two groups or at least ally with them. However, as the conference began, Allen picked a quarrel with Rockwell, and the White Party delegation stormed out. Later, after it was revealed that Allen’s employer was an official of a Jewish dirty-tricks outfit, the White Party disbanded. Some suspect that it was a false flag operation all along, designed to draw manpower and economic support from people who would have otherwise supported Rockwell.

 
Summing up the Sixties

For American National Socialism, the 1960s was a time for both renewal and experimentation. When the Second World War ended in 1945, it was widely assumed that National Socialism was dead and gone forever, especially in the US, where it had never been that strong, to begin with. But through the courage, genius and Herculean effort of one man, National Socialism was reborn. Although the Rockwell movement did not amount to much in terms of numbers during his lifetime, Rockwell laid the groundwork for the continued existence and growth of his Cause into the future. It was then up to those who took up the mantle of his leadership to determine whether the potential that Rockwell had uncovered would be realized or not.

Published in: on December 20, 2021 at 2:34 pm  Comments Off on History of American NS, 6  

History of American NS, 5

The pre-Rockwell years (1946-1958)

For good or for ill, the German American Bund was the primary exponent of open National Socialism in the US before America entered the War. After the voluntary dissolution of the Bund on December 8, 1941, there was no open advocacy of the National Socialist worldview in the US until George Lincoln Rockwell raised the Swastika banner in Arlington, Virginia, on March 8, 1959. The option to re-found the Movement was theoretically available as soon as the War had ended in 1945. However, the immediate post-War political and social climate was so hostile to National Socialism that even the most stalwart American National Socialists were unwilling to take that path forward.

But still, the struggle went on, albeit in the political shadows, rather than in the light of day. Various pro-NS or neo-NS activist groups arose during the pre-Rockwell period that attempted to advance the Cause without openly declaring themselves to be National Socialist.

There is a great divide – really, a chasm – that divides the pre-War Movement from the post-War Movement. To a degree this separation is one of ideology: the world was a much different place in the 1950s than it was in the 1930s, and it was a natural and organic development that the Movement’s policies evolved to fit the new dispensation.

But the real differences are those of quantity and quality. If pre-War American National Socialism was, at best, a minor movement on the American political scene, it became microscopic in its numbers in the post-War period. The Bund had 25,000 members at its height, of whom 3,000 were uninformed activists. In contrast, the National Socialist White People’s Party at its strongest in the early 1970s never had more than 800 supporters and 200 Stormtroopers. Adjusted for population growth, this meant that the NSWPP had about two per cent of the Bund’s numerical strength relative to the total US population, and perhaps three per cent of its activists.

It can be said that both the pre-War and post-War movements were led by men who were fanatically committed to the Cause, who were intelligent, and who and possessed stable personalities. But the pre-War Movement’s rank-and-file members were also of similar quality: men with careers, families, marriages, community standing and the like. In contrast, the fringe nature of the post-War Movement often meant that its rank-and-file adherents had eccentric personalities, and frequently lived on the edges of American society. This is especially true of the Movement’s activist contingent. There were, of course, a percentage of rank-and-file supporters who had successful lives in society’s mainstream. But normally these comrades kept a low profile and played a passive role rather than an active one.

 
The Columbians

On August 18, 1946, Emory Burke, along with Henry Loomis and John Zimmerlee, incorporated the ‘Columbians Workers Movement of America’ in Georgia. It was commonly referred to simply as ‘the Columbians’. Although short-lived, the Columbians was the first attempt to rebuild the Movement after the catastrophe of 1945.

Burke was a National Socialist at heart, but he realized that with the War barely a year over, open advocacy of the Hitlerian worldview was a non-starter. Rather, something in line with American traditions and values would have a greater chance of success.

______ 卐 ______

 
Editor’s note: This was a gigantic mistake by the American racialists, and it persists to this day.

The correct way would have been, as I have said, to found a publishing house for books like Hellstorm: The Death of Nazi Germany, 1944-1947, which decades later Tom Goodrich would write. All the information was already there, in the 1940s (Goodrich’s sources!). The sources only had to be cited in emotive books like Goodrich’s to show that the Allied narrative about the war was a hoax.

But they didn’t. Today’s westerners still ignore that the Allies committed a real Holocaust of Germans after 1945. The blame lies entirely with these Americans who didn’t want to do astute metapolitics (Goodrich-like books) but activism—a fool’s errand because of the media brainwash of the masses.
 

______ 卐 ______

 
What he had in mind was a dynamic racial movement, something more political than the Ku Klux Klan and more racially focused than Christian Nationalism. Burke was a veteran of numerous pre-War organizations, and he was still in contact with leaders of the old movement who still had some fight left in them, such as George Deatherage, Gerald L.K. Smith, and Gen. George Van Horn Moseley. However, he also attracted recruits who had only come of age since the War. One of these was a young attorney from Chattanooga named J.B. Stoner; another was high school student Edward Reed Fields, transplanted to Atlanta from Chicago. Although neither of these two young men would play a significant role in the Columbians, the racialist movement would hear more from them in the years to come.

Burke and his comrades spent several months in preparation before publicly launching their new enterprise. In June 1947, they were ready. A headquarters had been secured in Atlanta, and the first issue of a newsletter, The Thunderbolt, had been issued, along with a program. Following in the steps of the pre-War movement, the Columbians had a uniform: khaki, with a red thunderbolt insignia on the left arm. The thunderbolt was also featured on their banner, which was patterned after the Confederate battle flag.

The Columbians held meetings and made a concerted effort to attract White workers and recently demobilized soldiers. In July, they began night-time patrols of White working-class neighbourhoods that were bordered by Negro areas: Blacks criminals, who had historically preyed on other Negroes, had begun to drift into White neighbourhoods after the sun went down.

The rise of the Columbians disturbed the political establishment of Atlanta, and it scared the city’s large and powerful Jewish community. After an incident in which a Columbian patrol injured a Black man found wandering at night through a White neighbourhood, the authorities cracked down on the group. Its leaders, including Burke, were arrested on charges of ‘usurping police powers’ – that is, conducting a citizens’ patrol to do a job that the police were failing to do. Burke was sentenced to prison, and the charter of the Columbians was revoked.

The Columbians were in operation only a scant two months. Their total membership numbered less than 200, of whom only a couple dozen were actively involved. Yet their example inspired racial nationalists elsewhere. Slowly, the Movement was beginning to reawaken.

 
National Renaissance Party

Before describing the National Renaissance Party, a cautionary note is necessary: Almost without exception, everything that may be found online or in printed books concerning the NRP and its leader, James H. Madole, is flat-out wrong. Wikipedia has collected the most egregious falsehoods about the NRP and exaggerated them further, and then published them as the truth. Virtually nothing that you may have heard about the NRP from such sources is correct.

The National Renaissance Party was officially founded on January 1, 1949, following several months of negotiations among various minor leaders of the pre-War movement who decided to combine their meagre memberships and resources into a single new group. The main groups involved were Kurt Mertig’s Citizens Protective League, the German-American Republican League (also led by Mertig) and William Henry MacFarland’s Nationalist Action League. Mertig was named as the chairman of the group, but it was under the operational control of 22-year-old James Harting Madole, a new post-War recruit.

Madole was brilliant, energetic, fearless and an effective public speaker. One of his contacts was Charles B. Hudson, who had been a defendant in the 1944 Sedition Trial described previously. Hudson shared Madoles’s interests in racial nationalist politics, space travel, science fiction and the occult. And here we come to one of Madole’s shortcomings: his trouble in separating his enthusiasms from his political career. However, this problem only manifested itself later, in the 1970s, and was not a handicap during the NRP’s early years.

Madole’s title was National Director, and he held the real power within the small party. A nine-point program was drafted, stationery was printed up, and the first issue of the party’s publication, the National Renaissance Bulletin was issued. The lead article of the inaugural issue ‘Americans, Awake’, was authored by Madole. He continued to issue the newsletter without interruption until death in 1979.

(James Madole, left.) From the very beginning, the NRP showed itself to be different from many of the pre-War NS and Christian Nationalist groups, in that it took a serious interest in ideas and ideologies. Madole’s goal was to build a new Aryan super-civilisation in North America, not just to save the Constitution from the Jews. He was anti-rightwing, anti-capitalist and anti-Christian, all of which earned him the hostility of the Christian Nationalists and their allies, such as the Ku Klux Klan.

An early NRP associate was Francis Parker Yockey, who attended NRP meetings and activities, although he never officially became a member. Madole shared Yockey’s assessment that Stalin had broken the power of the Jewish-Bolsheviks in the USSR, and was steering the Soviet Union ever-closer to the traditional Russia of the czars. Whereas the mainstream view of the Soviets in the West during the Cold War was that they were ideologically monolithic, Madole perceived that there was a behind-the-scenes struggle taking place between the remaining Jewish Marxists on one hand, and Russian nationalists on the other. The smart thing, Madole felt, was to encourage the nationalists within the Soviet regime, and forge an alliance with them, which he tried to do. This nuanced appraisal of the USSR was lost on the American Right of the 1950s, who decided that Madole was just a racist, anti-Semitic communist.

______ 卐 ______

 
Editor’s note: This flaw would also appear among some white nationalists of the next century with their mad infatuation with Putin’s Russia.

______ 卐 ______

 
The NRP never defined itself as National Socialist, although it praised Adolf Hitler and NS Germany. In the early years, the NRP used both Swastikas and thunderbolts on its printed material. Initially, the NRP did not have a uniformed, paramilitary section. However, repeated efforts by its opponents to disrupt NRP public activities convinced Madole that such a formation was needed, and in 1953 he formed the ‘Elite Guard’, who wore black uniforms with thunderbolt armbands. The EG was under the joint command of Hans Schmidt and an 18-year-old Matt Koehl, who was just beginning his apprenticeship in NS politics.

From the very beginning, the NRP had an aggressive program of public activities. Typically, Madole and his followers would commandeer a busy sidewalk corner in a White neighbourhood of New York City, gather a crowd, and begin speaking. Some twenty-two rallies of this sort were held in 1953, for example. Madole pulled no punches in his speeches. A report to the FBI from this period from an informant describes him as ‘a vicious son-of-a-bitch’. New York’s huge Jewish community, as well as the FBI, became aware of and alarmed by, the NRP activities. Hostile and mocking publicity ensued, such as a major article in the New York Post, ‘The Man Who Wants to Be Fuehrer’.

Demands were soon made that the authorities ‘do something’ about Madole. The problem was that Madole, like the earlier German-American Bund, conducted his activities strictly within the letter of the law. One thing that the Federal government could do, however, was to ‘investigate’ the NRP. In 1954, the House Unamerican Activities Committee, under the leadership of Harold H. Velde (R-Illinois) launched an investigation of the NRP and other ‘hate groups’. Party members were interrogated and spied on. The Movement feared that the government was going to crack down on the NRP in a heavy-handed manner as it did a decade earlier with the Bund when dozens of Bund members were sent to prison. Many members dropped out of the NRP and others scattered to the four winds, some running as far as Mexico.

The government’s findings were released on December 17, 1954, in a grandiosely entitled Preliminary Report on Neo-Fascist and Hate Groups, often referred to as The Velde Report for short. It was a scant 32-pages in length, half of which were devoted to the NRP. HUAC concluded that while the NRP was ‘Unamerican’ it did not pose an immediate threat to the American republic.

The Feds estimated that there were 200 NRP members. After the release of the report, there were far fewer. Only a tiny handful of activists remained. But Madole soldiered on. On one occasion, two or three party members climbed to the roof of a Manhattan skyscraper and showered thousands of leaflets onto the sidewalk below during a busy rush hour. But although Madole continued the party until his death, the effectiveness of the NRP as a vehicle for promoting National Socialism, or ‘Racial Nationalism’ as Madole preferred to call it, was over.

New York City was the centre of American National Socialism and Christian Nationalism before the Second World War. Consequently, it made some sense to try to exploit whatever residual support remained there in the late 1940s. But a decade later, New York was enemy territory. An insane Jew took Madole hostage in February 1958, with the intent of killing him, but Madole escaped unharmed. His remaining followers told him that he needed to relocate both the party and himself to a Whiter area, but Madole stubbornly remained in New York until the end.

 
United White Party / National States Rights Party

Mention was made earlier of Edward Fields, a high school student affiliated with the short-lived Columbians. After the demise of the Columbians, Fields continued his participation in the shadowy world of the post-War movement. In the early 1950s he journeyed to New York City, to check out the NRP. He was impressed by Madole’s intellect and dedication but put off by Madole’s ideological radicalism. He did not like Madole’s embrace of (non-Marxist) socialism, nor did he accept The New Yorker’s analysis that the USSR was no longer under strict Jewish control. Field’s also had a poor impression of many of the NRP’s activists, some of whom had marginal personalities and lifestyles.

Fields was not a National Socialist, but his belief system ran parallel to it, especially on racial issues. His goal was to create a racial movement that combined the ideology of the Columbians with a base of mass support among racially conscious Whites, who at that time were the majority of the White population.

In 1957, Fields was instrumental in convening a gathering of White racialists in Knoxville, Tennessee, to unite various small groups together into a single large party. Among those attending the gathering were Emory Burke, J.B. Stoner, Wallace Allen and John Kasper. Also present was 22-year-old Matt Koehl, who attended as a protégé of the controversial movement personality DeWest Hooker, who was unable to attend.

The immediate outcome of the convention was the formation of the United White Party, which was reorganized the following year as the National States Rights Party. It would remain the largest White racialist formation in the US for the next two decades.

Anti-Jewish attorney J.B. Stoner was the public face of the party, while Fields ran its day-to-day operations, and edited its monthly tabloid newspaper, The Thunderbolt. The publication took its name from that of the newsletter put out by the Columbians in 1946. The NSRP also adopted the flag and the thunderbolt insignia of the Columbians. Indeed, it can be said that the party was an extension or version of the earlier group. There were close ties between the NSRP and the Klan movement, although the NSRP pursued a strictly political agenda and the Klan operated in other arenas. The membership of the party and the KKK overlapped, and, with some accuracy, the NSRP was often referred to as the political wing of the Klan movement.

Although it was not a NS formation, the party had many National Socialists among its ranks. To keep these members from drifting away, Fields would confide to them that the NSRP’s initials secretly stood for ‘National Socialist Revolutionary Party’. This, and similar practices, later got Fields condemned as a ‘sneaky Nazi’. But Fields had good reason to be concerned about losing his NS members because an open, forthright National Socialist leader was only months away from raising the Swastika banner for the first time since 1945.

 
The advent of George Lincoln Rockwell

One participant in the Knoxville conclave who did not go on to join the UWP was a 39-year-old naval commander, who introduced himself to the gathering as ‘George Lincoln’. He gave a presentation to the convention outlining a plan to relocate the Black population of the US to Africa. He called it the ‘Lincoln Plan’.

George Lincoln Rockwell had abandoned his philosophy major at Brown University in 1941 because he, like many other Americans, could sense that war was on the horizon. As a patriotic American, he felt that it was his duty to defend his country in times of war. Beyond that, he believed that he had a moral obligation to help ‘stop Hitler’ from ‘conquering the world’. He joined the navy as an ordinary seaman; by the end of the conflict, he had risen to the rank of lieutenant commander. After the War, he became a member of the Naval Reserve. Rockwell was called back to active duty during the Korean War. He was eventually promoted to full commander.

Lincoln Rockwell was one of any number of former servicemen who came home to an America they did not recognize. Softness in the face of Communist aggression abroad, cultural Marxism at home, feminism, and what was euphemistically termed ‘civil rights’ were features of post-War America. But most of these men merely grumbled and got on with their lives. Rockwell, being more sensitive and reflective than his compatriots, began to investigate what had gone wrong. This was not the America that Rockwell and the others had fought for – and for which 500,000 Americans had died.

While stationed in San Diego during the Korean War, he became involved in the movement to draft Gen. Douglas MacArthur as the 1952 Republican presidential candidate. Through his contacts in the conservative wing of the Republican party, he was exposed to his first anti-Semitic literature. He did not take it seriously. But over time, he noticed that the charges made in anti-Jewish publications were, by and large, factually correct. Specifically, he was horrified to learn that the Jews were behind the communist movement both, at home and abroad.

In his political autobiography, This Time the World (1962), he wrote of this time:

I wondered about Adolf Hitler and the Nazis. I had learned that he was right about the Jews. It might be worth reading his book to see if he had anything else right, too.

I hunted around the San Diego bookshops and finally found a copy of Mein Kampf hidden away in the rear. I bought it, took it home, and sat down to read.

And that was the end of Lincoln Rockwell, the ‘nice guy’ – the ‘dumb goy’ – and the beginning of an entirely different person.

That was probably sometime in 1952. Rockwell was instantly converted to National Socialism. He spent the next seven years trying to find a workable strategy to promote National Socialism in a quiet, low-key way through the extreme right-wing of the Republican party. All of these efforts came to nought. Although there was plenty of awareness of the Jewish Question and racial issues in right-wing circles, there was no will or courage to tackle these problems effectively.

Rockwell realized that the Republicans were not the solution to the problems to which he had been awakened. But he was also unimpressed with the little NS or racialist groups that he investigated. It gradually dawned on him that if he could not work through any of the existing formations, he would have to start one himself.

By 1958 he had made the acquaintance of Harold Arrowsmith, an eccentric, anti-Jewish multi-millionaire (a billionaire in today’s terms). After some negotiation, they agreed: Arrowsmith would finance the new movement, and Rockwell would run its operations. Rockwell had his idea for a name for the group, but Arrowsmith insisted on the ‘National Committee to Free America from Jewish Domination’. A house in Arlington, Virginia, was rented for use as a headquarters, and a printing press was installed in its basement.

One of Rockwell’s strengths was that he thought in grand terms: thinking big is the key to big results. As the inaugural manifestation of the Committee, Rockwell planned for several nationwide anti-Jewish demonstrations to take place simultaneously. Rockwell himself would lead a picket of the White House, while Fields would hold demonstrations at the same moment in Knoxville and Atlanta. Rockwell hoped that James Madole would come aboard in New York City, while DeWest Hooker would lead an activity in Boston. Rockwell further wanted other demonstrations in Chicago, San Diego and elsewhere.

In the event, Rockwell went ahead in Washington and Fields in Knoxville and Atlanta, but the others fell through.

Still, it was an auspicious beginning – but soon everything collapsed. A suspicious bombing of a synagogue in Atlanta that was undergoing renovation led to the arrest of the Atlanta demonstrators. Arrowsmith was picked up by the FBI and interrogated for hours as though he were a common thief, all his wealth notwithstanding. The Arlington headquarters, which was also the home of Rockwell and his family, came under repeated attack and he sent his wife and children to safety in Iceland.

Finally, Arrowsmith withdrew his support and ordered Rockwell to vacate the house and return the printing press. Rockwell fought back and won a delay: at the beginning, he had insisted that Arrowsmith sign a contract, and it held up in court. But the victory was only temporary. The year 1958 came to a bleak end for Rockwell: he had put himself in a position where he could not turn back, and he could not see a way forward.

On March 8, 1959, Rockwell received a package sent to him by James K. Warner, a young admirer. In it was a large, Third Reich-era Swastika banner. A tingling ran up Rockwell’s spine: He suddenly saw the way forward.

Published in: on December 19, 2021 at 1:47 pm  Comments Off on History of American NS, 5  

About the commenters

This recent discussion with one of the biggest fans of this site motivated me this morning to think on the subject.

If there is one thing that has wasted my time, it is arguing with people with whom I should never, ever have argued. For example, the referred commenter, using the pen name he uses in the comments section of The Unz Review, said earlier this year: ‘The USSR withered because they did not push for the racial replacement of Germany—by Russians’.

It was because of things like that that for a long time I prevented the vast majority of his comments from passing here.

But the aforementioned commenter, who describes himself as Russian, is not alone. In the past, a Romanian whom I also prohibited from commenting here said that he didn’t give a damn about the suffering of millions of Germans in the war and, paradoxically, in other respects he spoke like a National Socialist.

It sounds like schizophrenia, but these types of people have been very common on this site and elsewhere.

I confess that, in my great frustration with them and three other smart commenters, I have filled many pages of my diaries since 2018. There is no point in exhuming those private diaries except to say that I sometimes feel like George Lincoln Rockwell, who tells how he admitted a half-naked Aryan (a homeless?) to his group and later he became an excellent element. But there was a dark side to that tactic, as another unhinged individual within Rockwell’s group of outcasts was the one who shot him…

In December I said that only those who thought like the SS could comment on this site. I forgot to add that I wasn’t referring to them meeting in military groups, since that would become a honey trap for the System. What I wanted to say is that they ought to think like SS men; that their scale of values should allow them to crave things like the Master Plan East. I didn’t mean that they bought weapons or planned an attack (the Hollywood vision of white nationalism, as we saw in the silly movie Imperium). I was referring to changing your scale of values, as Savitri said in my post yesterday.

In other words, since most whites are tainted by the florid psychosis stage of Christian ethics, the only thing that makes sense is to try to understand what is going on, and convey it to as many Aryan males as possible. It hurts to say it, but Greg Johnson is right about one thing: it’s not time for politics but metapolitics.

This site receives very little feedback in the comments section. And of the fans we’ve had, I’ve already blocked a few for saying things like the outrageous quote I picked up above. In many ways I am alone. I have to deal with those shirtless guys like the ones Rockwell admitted into his group, but it’s impossible to detect at first glance who among these outcasts will be a good element and who may want to shoot me (what happened to the poor commander).

The alternative is that I forget about commenters and continue my work ‘in the cave of the three-eyed raven’, trying to make a Bran my disciple so that he can later conquer the world: a metaphor that only one commenter has understood, an European.

Since December I broke my promise to close the comments for a year. I reopened them only after two and a half months—only to be cheated by one of the banned commenters, through a sockpuppet.(*) But I think that what the European told me in an entry that I posted at the last minute of the last day of the year is worth reposting, as at that time the comments section was already closed.

Commenter I.N. wrote to me (the following is a repost of his December 31, 2020 comment):

 

______ 卐 ______

 

Excuse me for the lengthy text.

I understand how crucial it is for you to move towards this direction [basically close the comments section] given how much you have pondered about it for years now and I applaud you for it. The fact that you tolerated this insufferable situation for so long is a testament to your patience. However, by doing so you remove an indispensable aspect that should define discourse between us National Socialists so as to exchange viewpoints and answer questions.

This has been an integral feature of your site as apart from your entries, the comments too did aid me in acquiring a perfected exterminationist worldview. You must cultivate a climate for dialogue and encourage your viewers to engage in conversation among them. If you shun it your page might lose much needed traction and visitors and we need to assist you in amassing a wider audience of Whites willing to arrive at the truth.

If you wish to attract a larger audience and maybe even ‘steal’ followers from ‘mainstream’ WN sites like Counter Currents and American Renaissance you might want to think again about resorting to such strict censorship. That way you can redirect their focus to your revolutionary site and maybe witness a steady shift in their mentality as they begin to reject their old digital hangouts and dedicate their attention to you if your teachings take hold. Additionally, this radical approach of yours might make it impossible for people living on the other side of the Atlantic to opine on your entries.

Indeed, most commenters were unable to cross the psychological Rubicon to gain a higher understanding of the root causes that have culminated in the West’s ongoing downfall and it started to become frustrating but you can’t let this indignation get the better of you. Let them stagnate in the middle of the river and drown.

It will be a pity to have the rest of us who are of sound judgement and servants of the 14 words be lumped in with impudent buffoons like Adunaii or depressed defectives like Simon Elliot / Autisticus Spasticus. I admit that some of their comments may seem smart and sophisticated from a purely neutral standpoint, and I am not neutral but intrinsically bound to the ground of the radiant bucolic landscape that enchants and permanently captivates everyone who disembarks on the riverfront lying on the opposite side of the Rubicon. (It appears the journey across happens amidst intense fog / Christian ethics, that’s why most lose track of the destination and end up at the riverbed, never managing to even glance at the promised Utopia achievable only through the axiology of National Socialism.)

Said process of ‘conversion’ happened pretty much instantaneously thanks to stumbling upon your work and due to my own life experiences, research and conclusions. But commie sympathisers like Adunaii and abject, puerile defeatists like Elliot have to be expelled for reasons of adamant ideological consistency and devotion to the sacred cause summed up in the 4 and 14 Words.

Only through the Religion of Hate will we be able to exact holy racial vengeance and purify the flora and fauna of this planet by disposing of the sadistic vermin (dimwitted, dark skinned and two-legged mostly) that stains and defiles it once and for all and thus establishing a truly just, fair and beautiful Earth encompassing New Order in the biological sense. A world filled with staggeringly gorgeous Aryan nymphets and youths to roam it gracefully with kindness, respect, modesty and empathy and meant only for those worthy of living.

Anyway, I digress. Though this tactic relieves you from the burden of putting up with the absurdly preposterous (as in not sharing your justified hatred yet) content in the posts of some annoying slowpokes, some commenters could provide very informative insights and it would be a loss to miss out on that.

Some (extremely few in fact) deserve to be granted permission to keep commenting on this site. At least allow a very select number of them like Mauricio, Joseph Walsh (I have been keeping up with your site since April 2019 and I haven’t seen his profile in the comments for a while and I cannot remember if he has made an appearance in the last two years so I don’t know if he is still active), [Anti]natalist44 (thankfully he changed his idiotic surname, he might be a bit pessimistic but he is also necessarily cynical which can enlighten the Aryan about how hypocritical they are) or Apollokult among others like him who surprisingly fully align with your principles which, in all honesty, should be common knowledge and even maxims embedded into our culture.
 

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Editor’s Note: Both I.N. and I were unaware then that Natalist44 was none other than Adunai.
 

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Or at least slightly alter this policy you have adopted. You could enable the option to post comments that are sent exclusively by e-mail instead. The absence of a comment thread will automatically dissuade dummies, normies and white nationalists from bothering to leave their undesirable opinions on this gem of a site. Or efilists for that matter.

Could you not appoint some voluntary admins to filter the comment section and dispatch the outcasts that would dare trespass on your webpage? I am not cognizant of the intricacies involved in operating a site or the terms of use/service of WordPress by the way. I do not disagree with you per se, I actually partially welcome this initiative. I still I urge you to reconsider though.

Your site encapsulates the very essence of what the White Man must do in order to survive which is admittedly to ‘think more ruthlessly than Himmler’. That is quite a demanding task to undertake, and assuming the only stimuli they receive that leads them down this path is your site, then you can be sure it is going to take a while before they cross over to Level 9. Though as betrayed by your disappointment, few people appreciate the effort you put into awakening them.

At best it happens instantly (like with me) and at worst it needs an incessant bombardment of Nordicist literature for a couple of years. Let us be confident that the continuous reading of all that your site has to offer will be the catalyst that drives them to shatter their flawed and indulgent worldview which derives from the allegiance to a false, self-abasing and ultimately suicidal morality.

The prerequisite is to shake off the persistent indoctrination that has been passed down from generation to generation and has become so ingrained into our psyche (not mine, I have always been an atheist and a staunch critic of the afterlife paranoia) that it has developed such resilient antibodies to ensure its firm grip over the Aryans’ responses and actions. Tough job but something as unlikely as this can transpire. You remember what Tikhar said earlier this month.

Anyway, I have never seen a Priest of the 14 Words (you coined this term) devote his life so holistically to the materialisation of Aryan resurgence and domination despite being tainted by foreign blood. You are truly much more Aryan than the overwhelming majority of Aryans. You are a prophet and a benefactor to our run down race. Frankly, pretty much no one else articulates the harsh truth in such a precise, crystal clear and no holds barred manner.

Keep struggling and sending out three-eyed ravens to educate prospective broken Brans by imbuing them with retrocognition so that they endeavour to uplift the ever dissipating Whites from their demoralising and self-destructive state.

I merely wanted to leave my contribution for the second and last time apparently (unless another e-mail of mine impresses you so as to warrant its own entry). I think of you as an underrated and obscure (not recognised enough) hero of these end times (unless the White Revolution takes place and is successful), Mr. C. T.

Thank you for changing my life. Heil to you! I hope the Whites of the future that emerge victorious from this ordeal build a statue in dedication to your memory. I will keep being a faithful follower of yours.

Again, sorry for my brazenly long testimony. Happy New Year with loads of success in adequately conveying your ‘heretic’ message.

By the way, I am eagerly anticipating the day the subtitle of this site will finally read something along the lines of: ‘The Time For Armed Revolution Is Here! Nietzschean Transvaluation for a Hitlerian Civilisation!’

I.N.

___________

(*) Update of September 29: At Adunai’s request, I removed the screenshot showing that his I.P. is identical to the I.P. of Antinatalist44.

Published in: on September 28, 2021 at 12:09 pm  Comments (10)  

Christianity’s Criminal History, 140

For the context of these translations click here

(Left, Pope Gregory in the great window at
the Church of the Good Shepherd (Rosemont, Pennsylvania).)

Modern research attributes to this pope regular studies and very solid instruction, ‘an eminent cultural and moral training’ (RAC XII 1983). However, precise data on Gregory’s scientific culture are lacking. In that blessed Christian age, it did not actually exist. ‘Criticism and judgment fade’, wrote Ferdinand Gregorovius in the middle of the 19th century. We no longer hear from schools of rhetoric, dialectics and jurisprudence in Rome. Instead, he discovers that ‘more room than ever has been made for mystical enthusiasm and material worship’. And in much more recent times Jeffrey Richards confirms: ‘The philosophical and scientific training had long since disappeared’. Gregory had probably only studied Roman law, having reached the last remnant of classical training …

At that time there was hardly anyone in Rome who knew Greek. And the papal biographers of the Liber Pontificalis show how badly Latin was written… For Gregory the only relevant philosophy is in the Bible, ‘his supreme authority’ (Evans). And all the wisdom in the world, ‘science, the beauty of literature, the liberal arts’ are things that only serve for the intelligence ‘of Scripture’, that is, for a life of constant repentance and penance. But everything that does not directly serves religion is rejected by Gregory. He eliminates it completely.

The pope, one of the four ‘great’ fathers of the Latin Church and patron of educated people, ordered the burning of the imperial library on the Palatine (where the western emperors, their Germanic heirs and the Byzantine rulers continued to reside) as well as the library of the Capitol. In any case, the English scholar John of Salisbury, bishop of Chartres, affirms that the pope had had manuscripts of classical authors destroyed in Roman libraries.
 

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Editor’s Note:

See what Catherine Nixey says in this section of her book about the destruction of old libraries by Christians. Even if he had not been assassinated, I believe that George Lincoln Rockwell would have failed because he never saw that it was not yet time to do any activism, but to spend long and painful years in the temple of ‘Delphi’, so to speak.

For those who survived him after the attack that took his life, the correct tactic would have been to follow what Rockwell had started with the journal National Socialist World, but this time bringing out the true history of our parents’ religion. Himmler and his gang had already done something similar with their pamphlets for the members of the SS, since they already contemplated the CQ although in a more embryonic way than we do in The West’s Darkest Hour. And the German psyche had already been prepared by 19th-century philosophers like Schelling and Hegel, who spoke of a more pantheistic conception of ‘God’ than the crude theism of Judeo-Christians.

Jumping directly into activism in 1960s America, as Rockwell did, tacitly implied that the masses of Americans were already awake and that they only needed a good guide. But they weren’t. And not even the pundits of white nationalism today are. Otherwise, by now they would have said something about the climax of the essay considered the masthead of this site:

435 CE: In this year occurs the most significant action on the part of Emperor Theodosius II: He openly proclaims that the only legal religion in Rome apart from Christianity is Judaism! Through a bizarre, subterranean and astonishing struggle, Judaism has not only persecuted the old culture, and Rome, its mortal archenemy, adopts a Jewish creed—but the Jewish religion itself, so despised and insulted by the old Romans, is now elevated as the only official religion of Rome along with Christianity!

Using the metaphors of Savitri, there can be no ‘lightning’ (action) without ‘sun’ (wisdom), and the fact is that in white nationalism the blackest darkness reigns just before the dawn, as they are still allergic to Delphi’s wisdom by ignoring Christianity’s history. Karlheinz Deschner continues:
 

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Around 600 Gregory lectured harshly in a letter to the Gallic bishop Desiderius of Vienne, because he taught classical grammar and literature. Filled with shame and ‘great disgust’ he attributes to his ‘grave iniquity’ a blasphemous occupation, as if the same mouth could not ‘sing the praises of Jupiter and the praises of Christ’.

Delphi vs. Tzu

Thanks, R.B. for your contribution this morning!

Two things have impressed me greatly about Commander Rockwell’s life: the series of dreams he had with Uncle Adolf, so well narrated in Pierce’s obituary, and the passage in the letter he sent to Savitri, quoted in my previous entry; especially his dreams. His words to the priestess, on the other hand, remind me of how I got into racialism.

Twelve years ago, I used to comment on a counter-jihad forum. For the editors of that forum, Ned May and his wife, the JQ was a complete taboo. Over time, the wife confessed in a comments thread that the couple lived off donations, and that they couldn’t afford to lose donors if they discussed the JQ. That sparked controversy, as others and I realised that the donors were Jewish, and how could a purported defender of the West defend the West if the JQ is verboten?

Commander Rockwell was unaware of it, but the same can be said of what he wrote to Savitri. How could a defender of the Aryan race intellectually defend Aryans if he’s forbidden to discuss the Christian question? (On my statistics page I see that recently two visitors clicked on the Judea versus Rome essay, which shows that the JQ and the CQ are the same thing.)

Yesterday I certainly felt a slight shock to see Rockwell’s words to Savitri. The positive part of the revelation is that I realise that the reason that my sponsors are so few is because I try to change the paradigm: from ‘Know the enemy’, the advice of the gook Sun Tzu, to ‘Know thyself’, the Aryan advice inscribed in the temple of Delphi.

Published in: on September 16, 2021 at 10:59 am  Comments (5)  

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 13

 

Chapter IV

The contempt of the average man

 

‘Et la honte d’être homme aussi lui poignait l’âme’.

—Leconte de Lisle (‘L’Holocauste’, Poèmes Tragiques.)

 
‘This appalling logic’, said to me on October 9, 1948, Mr Rudolf Grassot, Assistant Chief of the Information Office of the French occupier in Baden-Baden, speaking of our intellectual consistency, without suspecting, for a single moment, to whom he was talking about. I have retained these words, which flatter us, among some other tributes—always unintentional—from the adversary, in Europe or elsewhere.

Few things shock me about those mammals who profess to ‘think’ as much as the absence of logic. They even stress how their superiority is supposed to give them over living beings who, they believe, are devoid of it. It shocks me, because it is a lack of agreement between the thought and the life of the same individual, even between two or more aspects of his thought itself; because it is an internal contradiction, a negation of harmony, therefore weakness and ugliness. And the more the person with whom he meets is placed in the conventional hierarchy of ‘intellectuals’, that is to say, literate people, preferably with university degrees, or technicians coming out from some big school, the more this lack of discursive capacity shocks me. But I find it absolutely unbearable in anyone who proclaims himself to be both a Hitlerite and an adherent of some religious or philosophical doctrine visibly incompatible with Hitlerism.

Why is that? Why, for example, do the millions of people who say they ‘love animals’ and eat meat so as not to look ‘special’, seem to me less irritating than the tens of thousands who say they are both Hitlerites and Christians? Are the former less illogical than the latter? Of course not! But they form a majority that I know in advance is lying, and cowardly or weak, which is almost the same thing: a majority that, despite the few interesting individuals there, I have despised since my earliest childhood, and from whom I expect nothing.

Editor’s Note: Two of my sponsors who used to send me a modest monthly amount recently stopped doing so, and they didn’t tell me why. There are many occasions when an entry doesn’t get any comments, except that of a troll who is annoyed by our Christian-wise position (just as there are Jew-wise folk): comments that I don’t let pass.

White nationalism is a Jew-wise movement but extremely unwise on the Christian question. Being the only site dedicated to adding thoughtful articles on the CQ, I doubt that it will be possible for me to continue at the current rate of posts per week if I lose more sponsors. (Remember, for example, that this series is a translation of Savitri’s book in French.) I suspect I lose them because they dislike our paradigm shift: from JQ to CQ as the primary cause of Aryan decline. And this, although the CQ and the JQ are ultimately two sides of the same coin, as we have tried to show with the essay considered the masthead of The West’s Darkest Hour, that of Judea against Rome.

American white nationalism will remain a weak movement until it recognises the Christian question. I will continue to recognise it even if this uncompromising attitude ruins me financially (which is why I call myself a ‘priest’): something that would dramatically reduce the number of articles per week, as I would have to look for a regular job.

Savitri continues:

The latter are my brothers in the faith, or those whom I have hitherto believed to be such. They form an elite that I have loved and exalted because they wear, today as yesterday, the same sign as me—the eternal Swastika—and claim to have the same Master: an elite from whom I expected, as a matter of course, this perfect harmony of thought with itself and with life, that absolute logic that one of our enemies, without knowing me, described before me as ‘appalling’ on 9 October 1948, the forty-first anniversary of the birth of Horst Wessel.

Illogic is either stupidity or bad faith or compromise—stupidity, dishonesty or weakness. However, a Hitlerite cannot, by definition, be stupid, dishonest or weak. Anyone who is afflicted with any of these three disqualifications cannot be counted among the militant, hard and pure minority, dedicated body and soul to the struggle for the survival and the reign of the best—our struggle. Unfortunately, it has been necessary—and will be necessary for a long time yet if we want to act on the material level—to accept, if not the allegiance, at least the services of a crowd of people who, seen from the outside, appeared and sounded Hitlerites, but who were not and are not, could not and cannot be, precisely because of the lack of consistency inherent in their psychology.

What to do? They were and are—and will be for a long time to come—the numbers and the money, which no movement with a programme of action can entirely do without. They must be used, but without placing too much trust in them. You should not argue with them because if they are stupid, it is useless; if they behave in bad faith, neither is it. And if they are weak, the revelation of their inconsistency may have the opposite effect on them to that which one would have wished.

As soon as Hermann Rauschning realised that he could not be a Hitlerite and a Christian at the same time, he chose Christianity, and wrote the virulent book, Hitler Told Me, which the enemy hastened to translate into several languages. Less wise, he would never have realised it, and would have continued, like so many other brave average Christians, to lavish on the cause of Germany, and beyond it, the Aryan cause, all the service they could. Rauschning was one of those who should have been left to sleep.

So many asleep, or logically inconsistent, people are on the practical level more useful than we, the small core of uncompromising militants! In his letter of 26 June 1966, the late G.L. Rockwell, the leader of the American National Socialist Party[1] who was destined fourteen months later to fall to an assassin’s bullet, wrote to me, among other things:

An analysis of our income shows the incontrovertible fact that the vast majority of our money comes from devout Christians. People like you cannot send a cent, and more than likely need help yourself. This is meant as no insult, simply a dramatic example of exactly what I mean in terms of practical results, which is what I have aimed for, rather than the position of ivory tower philosopher.

In short, without ammunition, even the greatest general on earth would lose a war. And if the people who have a monopoly on the ammunition require me to say “abracadabra” three times every morning in order to get enough bullets to annihilate the enemy, then, by God, I will say “abracadabra” not three times, but nine times and most enthusiastically, regardless of whether it is nonsense, lies, or what it may be.

Once we have achieved power, it is an entirely different matter. However, I will point out that, even the Master Himself did not go overboard in the direction you indicate. There can be no question that He agreed with you—and with all really hard-core National Socialists. But He was also a realist and a damned SUCCESSFUL one at that.

Rockwell was replying to my letter of 26 April 1966, in which I had very frankly expressed my disappointment at reading some issues of the monthly Bulletin of the American National Socialist Party. (In one of these there were three symbols, side by side, in three rectangles, each with a word of explanation: a Christian cross, ‘Our Faith’!, a flag of the United States, ‘Our Country’, and finally, a swastika, ‘Our Race’.)

He was responding to my criticisms, my doctrinal intransigence, my demand for logic. And, from a practical point of view, he was a hundred times right. He who gives a hundred dollars to the NSWPP is certainly more useful than he who writes a hundred lines not of ‘propaganda’ (adapted to the immediate concerns and tastes of a majority of people at one point in time), but of truths; of propositions whose intrinsic value will be the same ten thousand years from now, and ten thousand times ten thousand years from now, and always, and which justify our struggle of yesterday, today and tomorrow.

But there is more. The man and woman of good Aryan blood who, alas, ardently hate both our Führer and ourselves but have a child destined to be, one day, one of us, are even more useful than the individual who gives our activists his financial support. Goebbels’ parents, who had no sympathy for the Hitler Movement, did more for it, simply by having this son, than did the German magnates who (without knowing more what they were doing than the ‘devout Christians’ of the USA whom Rockwell mentions in his letter) financed the National Socialists’ election campaigns from 1926 to 1933. In fact, each is useful in its own way. Moreover, there are services of such a different nature that they cannot be compared. Each has its value.

Nevertheless, I reread with pride the sentence that Rockwell wrote to me a little over a year before his tragic death: ‘the Master Himself [the Führer] did not go overboard in the direction you indicate. There can be no question that He agreed with you—and with all really hard-core National Socialists. But He was also a realist and a damned SUCCESSFUL one at that’, whereas I, his disciple, am not.

I am not a leader. And didn’t the Führer himself at times, by making some of his most far-reaching decisions, placed the appalling logic of our Weltanschauung above his immediate material success? What else did he do, for example, when he attacked Russia, the citadel of Marxism, on June 22, 1941? or already by refusing Molotoff’s proposals on November 11, 1940? (Exorbitant as these were, accepting them would have been, it seems, less tragic than risking war on two fronts).

__________

[1] The ANP, which later became the NSWPP (National Socialist White People’s Party).

The astronomic tragedy of Rockwell’s murder

This month National Vanguard published ‘102 Years of National Socialism’. Although I have barely skimmed it, the essay contains a substantial section about George Lincoln Rockwell (1918-1967).

In her 1958 The Lightning and the Sun, Savitri Devi makes a threefold distinction between men ‘above Time’, ‘in Time’ and ‘against Time’. Men above Time are visionaries and prophets who orient themselves by truths that transcend the present world. They are, therefore, impractical when it comes to changing the present world (e.g., my religion of the four words). Men in Time are entirely creatures of the present world. Therefore, they are more capable of attaining worldly success (the normies). Men against Time orient themselves by truths that transcend the present, yet they are capable of operating within the world to advance the cause of truth. (Rockwell was clearly a man against his time.)

As editor of National Socialist World, William Pierce created an abridgement of Savitri Devi’s The Lightning and the Sun for the first issue, an issue that Rockwell liked so much. Rockwell was, if he can be called that, the last priest of National Socialism who, by the depth of his convictions, equalled, on American soil and as a Yang activist, what Savitri did on the other side of the Atlantic as a yin writer.

It is a great tragedy that Rockwell was assassinated when he was at the top of his career. Everything else that has been produced in his country has been a gradual move away from Hitlerism to the ideology we now know as white nationalism.

Why am I reading the priestess’ Memories and Reflections of an Aryan Woman published in 1976 and not the essay on National Socialism published this month? Because you don’t breathe as deep a fanatic conviction of NS in NV as you did in Rockwell’s career, or the texts of Savitri Devi.

So I will continue my reading of Savitri’s Memories and will be adding some quotable passages on this site. When I finish it I will publish it with the elegant typeface of my Daybreak Press, so that the printed book will look more professional than the PDF currently available on the internet. On the first page from the pen of Hitler’s priestess we can read:

Dedicated to initiates,
dead or alive
of the Order of Schutzstaffel,
in particular those of the
Ahnenerbe section of the said Order,
and their followers and followers of today
and centuries to come.

Published in: on August 11, 2021 at 7:37 pm  Comments Off on The astronomic tragedy of Rockwell’s murder  
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