Siege, 11

Our reasons for being NSLF

One incontrovertible fact is that the NSLF remains to date the only new development within the Movement in America since Rockwell began it in 1958. It was Joseph Tommasi’s work of the most incredible genius, the POLITICAL TERROR leaflet, that he designed in 1974 and which reached my hands at that time, that provided for those true revolutionaries in the NS Movement what we had been groping towards for years. It was original and unique and Tommasi had DONE IT!

NSLF is not an order of monks sequestered away studying religious tracts and further separating ourselves from reality. We do not wish to get the tiniest handful thinking differently nor do we imagine we can do the same with the masses. We do wish to give the answers to the people that are as plain as the noses on their faces. We preach revolution while the rest preach reaction. We do not wish to rock the boat, we intend to SINK IT!

If anyone can claim to be the “legitimate successor” to George Lincoln Rockwell’s American Nazi Party it is NSLF and no other! NSLF is the true, logical extension of everything Rockwell believed in and fought for. Petty legalisms and political chicanery aside, were Rockwell alive today, he would not be retrogressing holed up with sterile bureaucrats. He would be found FIGHTING IN THE STREET! His call would still be TO ACTION and not inaction on the part of eccentrics and fakers who studiously claim to have the “right way”.

Of all those who have come along since the death of Rockwell with pretensions of being an NS leader, all but one have been totally lost within themselves and their fantasy world of “Fuhrer-dom” and many have shown themselves to be downright crooked and incapable of dealing as men and as National Socialists. One has turned out to be a racial alien and a sexual pervert and currently is serving a prison term for the latter [Mason here is referring to Frank Collin, the Chicago Nazi leader in the 1970’s who is mainly infamous for his plan to demonstrate in Skokie, IL].

It remains today that the measure of a group is the measure of the man who founded or who leads that group. Joseph Tommasi, as founder of the NSLF, was the first of a new breed. A hero and a martyr to the Cause. What he wanted most was to provide the Movement with its much overdue HIT TEAM and not to set himself up as some sort of cheap, tin horn demigod like the rest. Tommasi personified the kind of man we MUST have: those desiring to serve the Movement with great facility, and not pose around in gaudy uniforms as “Hollywood Nazis”.

NSLF is not taken lightly by the Reds, the Blacks, or the System. We are not laughed at. We have taken the already-formidable reputation of the ANP—built up by Rockwell at monumental human cost—and ENHANCED IT by removing all pretenses of conservatism and legalism while the rest have made laughing stocks of themselves and their sphere of the Movement. A White Man can take pride in being part of the NSLF. It is the ONLY place for a White Revolutionary to be found!

In terms of longevity and resiliency, we have more than pulled even with the closest runner-up to the old Party, which had been the NSPA [National Socialist Party of America, headquartered in Chicago]. The death of our founder and the most severe tribulations still see us today in the best shape we have ever been.

Finally, we are NSLF because we want no part of cut- and-dried, hard-and-fast, locked-in bureaucracy like the others. We see the need for absolute flexibility as we struggle towards revolution in America. We recognize the need for a certain formality of concept and effort but until we have the pool of human resources large enough to draw selectively from, we REJECT any “rules and regulations” that would keep us from that pool.

The rest will tell you that they are “It”; we tell you that we are the only ones with the potential—with your help—of BECOMING “It”. We are not among the “Great Pretenders”. We are not part of the System or the Establishment in any way, shape, or form, as most of the others are with their charters, corporations, legalisms, etc.


Vol. XI, #5 – May, 1982

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Siege, 8

When right wing becomes revolution

You’ve all read of the arrests in New Orleans made in connection with the projected plan involving the island of Dominica in the Caribbean Sea. I must comment at the start of this that a D-Day on the part of the Ku Klux Klan is a long way from burning crosses in cow pastures. That is encouraging enough right there. But because it was a first, infant step, it failed. It failed however for reasons easily corrected. It was a good idea and it was not bound to fail. Loose lips sink ships, always did and always will. I’m not trying to pick apart a mission that failed for reasons either inside or outside but I am wondering about something that could have still happened but did not.

It was reported that the KKK members were arrested with automatic weapons, about to embark by boat from New Orleans. Why did this happen? Why should ten men with automatic weapons about to leave the United States by boat be arrested? How could they be arrested unless they themselves decided in their own minds to let themselves be arrested? Instead of the end of a Right Wing mission, it could have and should have been the beginning of a revolutionary one. It could have begun right there on the pier.

They might be dead or out to sea right now but they’d be free and the System would most definitely have bled and the White Man would have scored a solid hit against the forces of Big Brother. Instead, these men are in a limbo and facing many years in prison while no real action was ever taken. Think of the tragic waste! They still maintained the old Right Wing notion of “getting away” with something; they felt individual life too sweet to take the dare and RESIST!

One set of equations that Joe Tommasi never got around to mentioning regarding the levels of the struggle is this: in the past the Right Wing pulled stupid stunts against Blacks and other useless expendables and then ran away hoping not to be caught later by Big Brother but usually were caught, and then offered no RESISTANCE. (Trying to defend yourself in Big Brother’s courtrooms is not resistance.) Lately some of the Movement have been choosing better, higher targets but still put themselves in a runaway kind of position where they are either caught right on the spot or after a manhunt. Again, little or no resistance (except in the heroic case of Fred Cowan who would not be taken).

The two levels which the Movement is steadily evolving toward are these: first, if they must put themselves in a hit-and-run position then they will have made up their minds at the start to not surrender by the rules of the System’s game. The final level is when they have begun to hit and keep on hitting, never considering detection much less capture because they are completely involved with the ongoing attack. This final level of struggle shall be when the so-called “capture parties” sent by Big Brother go out but don’t come back.

Any bets as to whether it’s coming to that or just how soon?

Vol. X, #6 – June, 1981

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Siege, 7

Something that will work

This would almost call for a “mass” movement but here again we must carefully watch our definitions and understanding. By “masses” we need at most only a few hundred thousand more-or-less hardcore people committed to revolution and, to get and keep this discussion down-to-earth, we have been on the verge of going after these few hundred thousand twice before in the history of the Movement in the United States. Not only in theory but in actuality as newspaper headlines and membership rosters showed. First in 1966 and again in 1973.

As strange as it may sound, the opportunities of 1966 were lost well before Commander Rockwell was assassinated. And certainly there was no such single incident in 1973 [comparable to assassination of the leader] that could be easily blamed for the downward trend that next set in. In both instances the revolutionary political groundwork had not been tended to in advance of the laborious and painstaking street work which was eventually—and all too fleetingly—crowned with the reward of some significant numerical clout.

I’m sure also that had the pitfalls of having no solid chain-of-command reinforced and ready for the sudden challenge of hard success somehow been accidentally avoided, then still the moment would have been lost due to a lack of greater direction—a revolutionary plan—when suddenly called for.

And such a thing can rarely be supplied by accident. Getting into the rut of rolling with the blows is dangerous because it gets habit-forming and it numbs the senses and imagination. We have to know exactly what we’d do with a real political machine if we had one right now, for if we were handed one—or the means of getting one and did not know precisely what to do with it, we’d quickly blow it.

In 1966 Commander Rockwell was unable to EXPLOIT the God-given opportunity that presented itself in Chicago that summer and fall. He always considered and referred to himself as being the spearhead of the Right Wing and when the historic moment arrived during the time of the Black riots in major cities, when Commander Rockwell was doing his best spearheading activities, he was LET DOWN AND BETRAYED by his own side.

They failed to act in support even when, as the Commander himself pointed out, they stood to gain more from his efforts than he did because in the main, those people recruited by an intensive, unified Right Wing drive would naturally gravitate toward the “softer”, “easier” names and approaches like the NSRP [National States’ Rights Party] and various Mans. The Commander said all along that he only wanted and would only get what any true spearhead outfit must have: FIGHTING MEN! The apex moment of the 1960’s was thus lost.

In 1973, through constant activity nationwide and through some admirable policies of professionalism, the Movement stood ready to break into what Commander Rockwell would have called “Phase Three”, or the phase of mass action. We then had more leaders than had been on the scene in 1966. Rather than wait for a moment to come, we made our own. Not only that but we also chose the place: Cleveland. Over one hundred uniformed, helmeted Troopers marched down the middle of Euclid Avenue that Labor Day and formed-up in a public square for a rally.

And though the opposition was there—from the System and from the Reds—we were too strong. Had that sort of show of strength and discipline been maintained and repeated in various other cities it most likely would have, first, broken the “spell” of thousands who were hovering on the brink of committing openly and, second, prompted panic reactions on the part of every aspect of our racial Enemy thus providing obvious and inescapable openings for further and greater EXPLOTATION.

What set in next, both in 1966 and 1973, is what we must now learn to recognize and make our new effort far less vulnerable—if not altogether immune—to. There seemed to be no absolute commitment to REVOLUTION. No one seemed to know what the goal really was. The prevailing leadership at both times used the term “White Revolution” copiously in their propaganda but they thought only in terms of a revolutionary ideal or of a revolutionary social change far down the road somewhere.

They did not fully subscribe to TOTAL REVOLUTION NOW! And not only the men at the very top. The one-man show has proved it can’t get to first base. To be legitimate, a revolutionary political movement must have at least about a dozen or more leading, prominent figures. No one among the cadres being built at those times (with the single outstanding exception of Joseph Tommasi) was thinking purely revolutionary.

Everyone had their own ideas, and were bent on doing their own trip. When the “fun” stopped, when the “thrill” wore off, when the self-gratification halted, they split. Also because they had their own conceptions, most of the rules of good common sense got walked all over—primarily during and after 1973—resulting in petty bureaucracy followed closely by alienation and the effective destruction of the one party.

Had everyone concerned been completely committed to REVOLUTION OVER THE SYSTEM then it would have been a much easier task to sublimate the personal feelings and weaknesses which destroyed their efforts ultimately. The most incompatible of personalities can work together effectively for revolution but hardly for a damned thing else.

The most limited and klutzy individual can understand the common sacred drive to SMASH THE SYSTEM. Everyone can find his or her proper place in the WAR AGAINST THE ESTABLISHMENT. The Communists have proven this in a dozen historic cases, all of them recent. Once we get our fallible and undependable selves sublimated to REVOLUTION then the rest should come easy when compared to the endless, nowhere drag of past years.

Once accomplished, then all the “right” and the high ideals will have some meaning and can be put to some use. Instead of the current hindrance, they will have become the “end” that justifies whatever “means” may be necessary.

Vol. XI #1 – January, 1982

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Siege, 4

Serious steps

Hitler did not arrive at January 30th, 1933, in a dream. Nor was the NSDAP [National Socialist German Worker’s Party] itself an idle concoction. Hitler did not get off the ground politically until after he was thirty years of age, after he had been orphaned, after he had existed in the streets of Vienna, after he had gone through the horrors of the First World War.

The idea of National Socialism, the Swastika, the social ferment and disorder in Germany and Europe, even the very men who were to make up his winning team, every element was there, in place, active, just waiting for Hitler to appear as catalyst that would lead to the Machitergreifung [seizure of power] in 1933. At no point did Hitler, in his off-hours or his idle frustration, imagine that any idea, effort, or group would be “keen”, “swift”, “fun”, or “groovy”.

Everything that was done was done because it had to be done. Hitler, like the master that he was, with consummate skill, played the ball exactly where it lay, utilizing the forces and elements at hand around him, applying them effectively and appropriately, step-by- step, to victory.

Joseph Tommasi did the very same thing as Adolf Hitler. Perhaps his is the closest comparison to Hitler’s methodology to date. Was he a copy-cat, aping the Marxists? If he was, so was Hitler. In all frankness, he took the name SIEGE from an L.A. County Library book by that title which was devoted to the Weather Underground faction of the SDS [the militant Leftist group Students for a Democratic Society].

He took the name National Socialist Liberation Front from an earlier Movement effort at organizing Whites on campuses, a name, by the way, copied from the National Liberation Front of the Viet Cong. He let his hair grow long and wore olive drab fatigues. This and much more he adopted solely in order to “get with the times” and manners of the present day reality, in order to be effective.

And he was tremendously effective in the one year of life he had left to him from 1974 to 1975. Crackpot games and escapades don’t generally outlive their progenitors by a decade, going on to gain strength and influence and to set the pace for the rest of an entire school of thought.

I mention Tommasi and the NSLF as major landmarks in our desperate drive to get serious in our modus operandi. Even with Universal Order I retain the publication title of SIEGE as tribute to this fact. Getting a bit deeper, war is to politics what politics is to the Idea. Of course minus the Idea, all is futile, just like the “power” wielded by the System and the Jews. Tommasi was more of a great general than he was a philosopher.

He opened our eyes to strategy and tactics rather than the nature of our purpose. But is that not precisely what we are in direst need of? It won’t get there unless we put it there. Thinking about it, and writing about it won’t put it there. Only a serious, step-by- step program of organized action will bring it about. And not “treadmill” action but forward action.

Vol. XII, #7 – July, 1983

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