Siege, 10

Playing the ball as it lies

“We are a parliamentary party by compulsion”, said Adolf Hitler during the Kampfzeit period in Germany from 1925 to 1933. Because Germany was still essentially sound under the surface in 1923, the open revolt did not work, nor catch on with the populace (apart from being betrayed from the inside by conservative swine). And because German society and institutions were still basically sound at that time. Hitler and his fellow Putschists were looked upon quite sympathetically and favorably by those presiding at their trial in 1924 which resulted in less than a year’s incarceration. (That German court gave Hitler less than a year for “high treason”; the System here today gives patriots fifty years for charges they were framed on, for doing nothing!)

What had prompted the Munich Putsch was the apparent bottoming-out of German law-and-order and economy. But that drastic move was premature because the Weimar regime—filthy and rotten as it was—still had more than one gasp left in it. The economy actually rallied from that point up until the World Depression of 1929 which sent a stampede of desperate Germans, no longer complacent, into the ranks of Hitler’s Party.

The point is that German institutions were yet healthy enough to work within, and indeed too healthy to try to overthrow (as the Communists had already found out the hard way). The problem was a thin coating, or scum, if you will, of traitors at the top. Because of Hitler’s correct assessment of the situation and the firm course he set his Party on accordingly in 1925, the history of the NSDAP from then until the Machtergreifung—the taking of state power—is an unbroken, uninterrupted uphill climb.

We of the NSLF are a revolutionary party by compulsion. We are the first to realize that no popular revolt can be contemplated at this time as the only thing “popular” at the moment is further pleasure and more diversion among the quivering masses. The society is a shambles and the economy slips more every day but most would—and will—be surprised to learn just how much further it can deteriorate before the situation can be termed critical.

We also realize that nothing, absolutely nothing by way of Anglo-Saxon institutions remain intact and this effectively means that America as it had been known for about 150 years has been wiped out more cleanly than if it had been defeated in a sudden war. (This actually had been Germany’s case and was what had allowed for her resurrection within only fourteen years.) The United States went the worst way a country can—terminal cancer—but yet, historically, even that process was quick—quick enough to leave enough White Men with some ability to still think and act as White Men. The rest is up to us.

The polarization of the people and the government is so total that few even among the Movement can grasp its fullness. Perhaps the best way to be sure that we are the prime representatives of the people is to be aware that NO ONE is further alienated from the ruling, governing establishment than we. We call ourselves a LIBERATION FRONT and not a party because we hold no illusions about ever being able to realize anything concrete through parliamentary measures.

How could such a movement succeed when the people themselves don’t care and the ruling body—Left, Right, and Center—unanimously stonewalls against us? The voices and opinions of the System might put forth varying opinions on any topic or issue save one: US. We are now and forever strictly O-U-T! But we know why we are out and they know why we are out so there should be no conflict on that. They are the Establishment; we are the Revolution.

These are the rules, of their choosing, not ours. But they are the reality of a situation as harsh as it is immutable. It is war. Only a fool and a weakling would ask for it to be otherwise. The one fundamental reason the Hard Right movement in this country has perennially gone nowhere is because it has NEVER fully comprehended this one fundamental reality and has never been set upon the proper course as was Hitler’s movement in Germany.

To describe the past twenty-odd years of Rightist and even Nazi effort in the United States as inappropriate is to put it as accurately and charitably as possible. Set upon an inappropriate course, with inappropriate ideals and priorities, inappropriate methodology, etc. —little wonder then why we have been plagued with such miserably inappropriate and wholly inadequate human resources. It is the reason quality human material doesn’t stay around long. The Movement has been off-base at the very foundation which means that no matter how carefully or skillfully the framework might go on, it is all fore-doomed to collapse (as it always has done).

There has always been the talk of a New Order and a New World. Those are easy slogans, too easy in fact because their meaning is mostly lost. Their meaning directly implies a TOTAL CHANGE. Given the graduality of the decline of American society and culture over the past thirty or forty years, it’s hard for any comparatively young person to appreciate how far we’ve sunk and to know from that just what we’ve lost, and what must be recaptured and through National Socialist discipline and idealism enhanced and reinforced, super-charged to become something greater than has ever been seen on earth. Even Hitler did not face a task such as we face.

Being aware of this then, the notion of even attempting or remotely desiring to become a part of the unspeakably vile and sick Establishment and System is utterly revolting to any true National Socialist. To sit amongst the sold-out and degenerate Senate and Congress in the Capitol?! Even Hitler refused to seat his new government in the same halls as the Weimar regime or the Imperial government (liberally laced as it was with Jews). He wanted a new beginning. Our enemies are VILE and only appear “legitimate” because of the power that comes with money. We state here and now that we shall SMASH THEM and, furthermore, that they are HELPLESS TO PREVENT IT! The road may be long and rocky but the moment will arrive and both our will and our striking blows shall be irresistible.

No recognition and no cooperation today means no compromise and no quarter shown tomorrow. No favors rendered today means no obligations to fulfill tomorrow. Not asking today means not being told tomorrow. If we do not accept and function by the circumstances as they exist, we not only condemn ourselves to eternal failure but we miss the opportunity now given for a revolution more total and complete than anything ever before in all history.

Vol.X, #1-January, 1981

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Siege, 9

European renaissance

Europe was knocked absolutely cold in the Second World War, literally ground under the tread of invading, foreign armies. Not just Germany but all of Europe. Bets were on through the Sixties and Seventies as to which one—Europe or the United States—was sunk deeper into the morass of decadence and liberal democracy. Europe at least had some excuse while we didn’t. Now right alongside the stunning stories of the White Man unleashing a micro-fraction of his fury against the Enemy in the U.S., we have news of a similar kind from all over Europe!

Bombings and machine-gunnings in France against Jewish targets caused the System-controlled President of that country to call it, “the worst wave of anti-semitism in France since World War Two”. In Germany the situation is much the same. Again the trend is ongoing, a thing they can’t seem to deal with. As yet the various arms of the System have been unable to make any major arrests. Europe, the traditional home of the White Man, the mother of all culture and civilization, is reawakening. And the words of the greatest American, George Lincoln Rockwell, will echo, “Where will the Jews run to THIS TIME?”

Vol. IX, #7 – November, 1980

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Siege, 8

When right wing becomes revolution

You’ve all read of the arrests in New Orleans made in connection with the projected plan involving the island of Dominica in the Caribbean Sea. I must comment at the start of this that a D-Day on the part of the Ku Klux Klan is a long way from burning crosses in cow pastures. That is encouraging enough right there. But because it was a first, infant step, it failed. It failed however for reasons easily corrected. It was a good idea and it was not bound to fail. Loose lips sink ships, always did and always will. I’m not trying to pick apart a mission that failed for reasons either inside or outside but I am wondering about something that could have still happened but did not.

It was reported that the KKK members were arrested with automatic weapons, about to embark by boat from New Orleans. Why did this happen? Why should ten men with automatic weapons about to leave the United States by boat be arrested? How could they be arrested unless they themselves decided in their own minds to let themselves be arrested? Instead of the end of a Right Wing mission, it could have and should have been the beginning of a revolutionary one. It could have begun right there on the pier.

They might be dead or out to sea right now but they’d be free and the System would most definitely have bled and the White Man would have scored a solid hit against the forces of Big Brother. Instead, these men are in a limbo and facing many years in prison while no real action was ever taken. Think of the tragic waste! They still maintained the old Right Wing notion of “getting away” with something; they felt individual life too sweet to take the dare and RESIST!

One set of equations that Joe Tommasi never got around to mentioning regarding the levels of the struggle is this: in the past the Right Wing pulled stupid stunts against Blacks and other useless expendables and then ran away hoping not to be caught later by Big Brother but usually were caught, and then offered no RESISTANCE. (Trying to defend yourself in Big Brother’s courtrooms is not resistance.) Lately some of the Movement have been choosing better, higher targets but still put themselves in a runaway kind of position where they are either caught right on the spot or after a manhunt. Again, little or no resistance (except in the heroic case of Fred Cowan who would not be taken).

The two levels which the Movement is steadily evolving toward are these: first, if they must put themselves in a hit-and-run position then they will have made up their minds at the start to not surrender by the rules of the System’s game. The final level is when they have begun to hit and keep on hitting, never considering detection much less capture because they are completely involved with the ongoing attack. This final level of struggle shall be when the so-called “capture parties” sent by Big Brother go out but don’t come back.

Any bets as to whether it’s coming to that or just how soon?

Vol. X, #6 – June, 1981

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Siege, 7

Something that will work

This would almost call for a “mass” movement but here again we must carefully watch our definitions and understanding. By “masses” we need at most only a few hundred thousand more-or-less hardcore people committed to revolution and, to get and keep this discussion down-to-earth, we have been on the verge of going after these few hundred thousand twice before in the history of the Movement in the United States. Not only in theory but in actuality as newspaper headlines and membership rosters showed. First in 1966 and again in 1973.

As strange as it may sound, the opportunities of 1966 were lost well before Commander Rockwell was assassinated. And certainly there was no such single incident in 1973 [comparable to assassination of the leader] that could be easily blamed for the downward trend that next set in. In both instances the revolutionary political groundwork had not been tended to in advance of the laborious and painstaking street work which was eventually—and all too fleetingly—crowned with the reward of some significant numerical clout.

I’m sure also that had the pitfalls of having no solid chain-of-command reinforced and ready for the sudden challenge of hard success somehow been accidentally avoided, then still the moment would have been lost due to a lack of greater direction—a revolutionary plan—when suddenly called for.

And such a thing can rarely be supplied by accident. Getting into the rut of rolling with the blows is dangerous because it gets habit-forming and it numbs the senses and imagination. We have to know exactly what we’d do with a real political machine if we had one right now, for if we were handed one—or the means of getting one and did not know precisely what to do with it, we’d quickly blow it.

In 1966 Commander Rockwell was unable to EXPLOIT the God-given opportunity that presented itself in Chicago that summer and fall. He always considered and referred to himself as being the spearhead of the Right Wing and when the historic moment arrived during the time of the Black riots in major cities, when Commander Rockwell was doing his best spearheading activities, he was LET DOWN AND BETRAYED by his own side.

They failed to act in support even when, as the Commander himself pointed out, they stood to gain more from his efforts than he did because in the main, those people recruited by an intensive, unified Right Wing drive would naturally gravitate toward the “softer”, “easier” names and approaches like the NSRP [National States’ Rights Party] and various Mans. The Commander said all along that he only wanted and would only get what any true spearhead outfit must have: FIGHTING MEN! The apex moment of the 1960’s was thus lost.

In 1973, through constant activity nationwide and through some admirable policies of professionalism, the Movement stood ready to break into what Commander Rockwell would have called “Phase Three”, or the phase of mass action. We then had more leaders than had been on the scene in 1966. Rather than wait for a moment to come, we made our own. Not only that but we also chose the place: Cleveland. Over one hundred uniformed, helmeted Troopers marched down the middle of Euclid Avenue that Labor Day and formed-up in a public square for a rally.

And though the opposition was there—from the System and from the Reds—we were too strong. Had that sort of show of strength and discipline been maintained and repeated in various other cities it most likely would have, first, broken the “spell” of thousands who were hovering on the brink of committing openly and, second, prompted panic reactions on the part of every aspect of our racial Enemy thus providing obvious and inescapable openings for further and greater EXPLOTATION.

What set in next, both in 1966 and 1973, is what we must now learn to recognize and make our new effort far less vulnerable—if not altogether immune—to. There seemed to be no absolute commitment to REVOLUTION. No one seemed to know what the goal really was. The prevailing leadership at both times used the term “White Revolution” copiously in their propaganda but they thought only in terms of a revolutionary ideal or of a revolutionary social change far down the road somewhere.

They did not fully subscribe to TOTAL REVOLUTION NOW! And not only the men at the very top. The one-man show has proved it can’t get to first base. To be legitimate, a revolutionary political movement must have at least about a dozen or more leading, prominent figures. No one among the cadres being built at those times (with the single outstanding exception of Joseph Tommasi) was thinking purely revolutionary.

Everyone had their own ideas, and were bent on doing their own trip. When the “fun” stopped, when the “thrill” wore off, when the self-gratification halted, they split. Also because they had their own conceptions, most of the rules of good common sense got walked all over—primarily during and after 1973—resulting in petty bureaucracy followed closely by alienation and the effective destruction of the one party.

Had everyone concerned been completely committed to REVOLUTION OVER THE SYSTEM then it would have been a much easier task to sublimate the personal feelings and weaknesses which destroyed their efforts ultimately. The most incompatible of personalities can work together effectively for revolution but hardly for a damned thing else.

The most limited and klutzy individual can understand the common sacred drive to SMASH THE SYSTEM. Everyone can find his or her proper place in the WAR AGAINST THE ESTABLISHMENT. The Communists have proven this in a dozen historic cases, all of them recent. Once we get our fallible and undependable selves sublimated to REVOLUTION then the rest should come easy when compared to the endless, nowhere drag of past years.

Once accomplished, then all the “right” and the high ideals will have some meaning and can be put to some use. Instead of the current hindrance, they will have become the “end” that justifies whatever “means” may be necessary.

Vol. XI #1-January, 1982

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SIEGE is available

A comrade has complained that he recently requested James Mason’s Siege from Counter Currents Publishing but that he received a note that, soon after its re-release, it’s already sold out!

This has moved me to make it available through my own Daybreak Press. I am enjoying Siege and hope you’ll enjoy it too…

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Siege, 6

The long road we’ve traveled

The distance we’ve traveled in the past decade can only be measured in terms of light years. How far, after all, is it from Commander Rockwell’s expressed ideal of the “American Constitutional Republic” to “Helter Skelter”? From “good citizenship” and conformity to total drop-out and total revolution? From the trial and execution of a few thousand traitors in high places to the drowning in blood of entire social and genetic segments of the population? From an old A.N.P. slogan, “White Man, Stand With Us or Stand Out of Our Way!”, to where there are no innocents, no non-combatants?

Consider how far we’ve come from the days when discussion revolved around what would take place after our legal and orderly assumption of power, as mandated by the people, to today where two schools of thought prevail: whether a war will destroy the System or whether it will collapse under its own rotten weight.

Regardless how, the result will be the same. Those who survive the initial period of absolute chaos that immediately follows will crawl out of their holes and take up the struggle on newly equalized terms: animal to animal.

Vol. XII, #8 – August, 1983

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Siege, 5

Above a whisper

My own formal initiation into the ranks of the “hard-core” took place in the barracks and the ward rooms of the American Nazi Party headquarters in Arlington, Virginia, during the latter half of the 1960’s. There, amidst the off-hours high jinks, the “smokin’ ‘n’ jokin” typical of the paramilitary style of the day, would come forth expressions of unsanctioned, forbidden ideas of violence and revolution more closely resembling those of the Enemy we were regularly fighting in the streets of Washington, D.C., as the Vietnam War raged ten thousand miles away. We believed in what we were doing but most of us felt uncomfortable, left wanting with the current program and strategy. We wanted to attack the real Enemy, and, furthermore, we were more than tired of knocking down Enemy minions only to have them get back up later.

We openly confided among ourselves—the duty officers, the pressmen, the clerks, shippers, the rank-and-file troopers—that what was required was a gaping hole knocked in the System order-of-things so that blood could be splashed from one end of the country to the other. None of the officers ever voiced these same opinions and, to be sure, they never inquired of ours. Nothing was open for discussion between these two sharply distinct levels.

It was Right Wingism at its darkest. It was never spoken, never printed and was, in fact, taboo in official Party dealings. In those days we were still wasting our time—and our blood—defending the honor of an all-but-dead Republic against a mob of vile Jews, Liberals, Blacks, etc., demonstrating for its final demise and, in our printed propaganda, taking a futile and sado-masochistic trip by dredging up the most recent outrages committed by Blacks in the streets and Jews and traitors in the government.

The loss of Commander Rockwell was so recent and his memory so fresh then that we carried on in his absence as though we expected his eventual return. As it turned out, no one had the vaguest idea of what to do or how to do it. The prevailing school of thought was that of “Professionalism & Orthodoxy”, in other words, to continue the “1933 approach”. I recall one heated occasion when I crossed ideological and strategic swords with one junior officer at the headquarters building. I was talking then a very adolescent version of what I’m talking now and his response was that I would one day have to be “restrained”… by the Party. He hasn’t been active now in many years.

But just as vividly I recall the first snapping of the ice in the earliest springtime of our Movement as we have it today. The refreshing and invigorating changes were first provided by Dr. William Pierce, as our propaganda chief then, in his hugely effective and widely listened to “White Power Messages” that thousands of people across the country would call in to hear. He had recorded a message in reference to a certain clique of Senators and Congressmen who were busy selling-out the soldiers in Vietnam.

He concluded that one doesn’t talk against people like these, one doesn’t vote against them in the next election, one kills them. About that same time, during one of his addresses to the First Party Congress in 1969, after he had invited questions from the floor and one naive delegate asked what we should do with the White race traitors, he spoke not a word but, gesturing with thumb and index finger forming the barrel and hammer of a pistol being fired, brought the entire assembly to its feet in the loudest outburst of cheering and applause heard during that three-day gathering.

So it was out, above a whisper, and, more than that, it was official. In less than one year. Dr. Pierce was out of the Party and on his own with the endeavor he still currently heads. Through a number of cosmetic and tactical changes in style and technique, he has never in thirteen years compromised his stand as being among the foremost of the Hard Core Idealists. And whose name and organization carries more weight in Movement circles today than Dr. William Pierce and the National Alliance?

Vol. XII, #8- August, 1983

Siege, 4

Serious steps

Hitler did not arrive at January 30th, 1933, in a dream. Nor was the NSDAP [National Socialist German Worker’s Party] itself an idle concoction. Hitler did not get off the ground politically until after he was thirty years of age, after he had been orphaned, after he had existed in the streets of Vienna, after he had gone through the horrors of the First World War.

The idea of National Socialism, the Swastika, the social ferment and disorder in Germany and Europe, even the very men who were to make up his winning team, every element was there, in place, active, just waiting for Hitler to appear as catalyst that would lead to the Machitergreifung [seizure of power] in 1933. At no point did Hitler, in his off-hours or his idle frustration, imagine that any idea, effort, or group would be “keen”, “swift”, “fun”, or “groovy”.

Everything that was done was done because it had to be done. Hitler, like the master that he was, with consummate skill, played the ball exactly where it lay, utilizing the forces and elements at hand around him, applying them effectively and appropriately, step-by- step, to victory.

Joseph Tommasi did the very same thing as Adolf Hitler. Perhaps his is the closest comparison to Hitler’s methodology to date. Was he a copy-cat, aping the Marxists? If he was, so was Hitler. In all frankness, he took the name SIEGE from an L.A. County Library book by that title which was devoted to the Weather Underground faction of the SDS [the militant Leftist group Students for a Democratic Society].

He took the name National Socialist Liberation Front from an earlier Movement effort at organizing Whites on campuses, a name, by the way, copied from the National Liberation Front of the Viet Cong. He let his hair grow long and wore olive drab fatigues. This and much more he adopted solely in order to “get with the times” and manners of the present day reality, in order to be effective.

And he was tremendously effective in the one year of life he had left to him from 1974 to 1975. Crackpot games and escapades don’t generally outlive their progenitors by a decade, going on to gain strength and influence and to set the pace for the rest of an entire school of thought.

I mention Tommasi and the NSLF as major landmarks in our desperate drive to get serious in our modus operandi. Even with Universal Order I retain the publication title of SIEGE as tribute to this fact. Getting a bit deeper, war is to politics what politics is to the Idea. Of course minus the Idea, all is futile, just like the “power” wielded by the System and the Jews. Tommasi was more of a great general than he was a philosopher.

He opened our eyes to strategy and tactics rather than the nature of our purpose. But is that not precisely what we are in direst need of? It won’t get there unless we put it there. Thinking about it, and writing about it won’t put it there. Only a serious, step-by- step program of organized action will bring it about. And not “treadmill” action but forward action.

Vol. XII, #7- July, 1983

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Siege, 3

Mail-Order Revolution?

At the time of the first American Revolution the adversary was the King of England. This man could have been called a lot of things but he couldn’t be called evil. The enemy today is the U.S. Government itself and it is, by every standard of measure, the most evil thing that has ever existed on earth. This, once it has sunk home, should be a good enough indicator of the sort of struggle we have ahead of us.

I’m not going to agonize over “How evil is it?” because that would be typically Right Wing and a waste of time. Rather, I’m going to tell you what that means, or should mean to you if you claim to have the three big essentials for accomplishing anything that were set forth by George Lincoln Rockwell over twenty years ago: sufficient intelligence to perceive and understand; sufficient strength, courage and resources to act; and sufficient will to persevere in spite of whatever obstacle or hardship.

It means this: they’re not going to let us do it. It means that we’re going to have to do it in spite of them. Over their dead bodies.

Will this be done by any legally chartered, tax-paying outfit? Will it be done by any outfits that own land and have public headquarters? Will it be done by those with big bank accounts (by “big” I mean those that read in figures greater than four digits) who deposit, withdraw and earn interest? Will it be accomplished by strings of P.O. boxes? The best, most sobering question I can hit anyone with is: will this, the most evil system on earth, allow anything even remotely dangerous to pass through its own postal system, to apply for and get special bulk rate mail permits, etc.?

The answer is a flat no. Those who point to the dozens of outfits currently operating in an attempt to belie that statement are in a hopeless fog. Those who agree but qualify it with, “Up to a point”, may have hope left yet. Those who disagree totally would also believe we can win through the electorate, with the consent of the masses. Those who partially agree, I suppose, imagine we will have to fight a “partial” revolution.

Despite hopeful showings of any Nazi or Klan candidates at the polls, it amounts to nothing concrete; if they gain a lot of votes but fail to win the election they are as bad off as before because those voters haven’t got the guts to do anything more than pull a lever in secret… they’ll never make contact or provide support directly; and those that may win the election are in for the hassle of their lives dealing with “fellow Democrats”, etc., who are rabidly pro-Jew, pro-Black, if not outright Red. (But hats off to those few who try as they do lend to the revolutionary climate and help reveal by their results what the national pulse-rate is like, and what kind of potential support we might expect once a full-scale revolt is launched).

And here again, can you picture a scenario like this: that great “Silent Majority” has at last gotten fed up, found its wits and given the Nazis or the Klan a voter mandate. The Jews, the Blacks, and the assorted fanatic Reds, etc. least of all to mention the entrenched Capitalist System manned largely by sick, liberal Whites give up, say it was a fair fight, shake hands and turn it all over to us.

It’s just too crazy to contemplate. If it even started to look like we were verging on some kind of real power they’d go nuts and pull out all stops against us. It has even been predicted that they would go as far as to use H-Bombs against any large strongholds and I wouldn’t doubt it a bit considering the stakes.

It’ll be a real fight but it won’t be a fair fight. Matters of survival seldom are.

Vol IX, # 4, August, 1980

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Siege, 2

Revolution through armed struggle

“The true guerrilla is never beaten. He will never negotiate away his freedom. He will never compromise his ideals. He will never surrender.

“History offers many examples of far larger and better equipped armies that were finally defeated by guerrillas. They can fight on for years, even generations. Guerrilla bands can fight in the cities, country, forests, swamps, deserts or mountains. They are everywhere and yet nowhere. They strike without warning and vanish without a trace. They take away with them the arms, food and ammunition they will need to fight again another day.

“The guerrilla is a grim fighter and a terrible foe.

“His strength is in his heart—in his love for his Race—in his hatred for the enemy.”

—Anonymous

“…a unit can either fight a real enemy, or it must lose. And again, a unit not fighting a real enemy is in the service of another power—there is no middle ground. If a unit is not fighting for itself, it is fighting against itself.”

—Francis Parker Yockey

“The lost man, who has no belongings, no outside interests, no personal ties of any sort—not even a name. Possessed of but one thought, interest and passion—the revolution. A man who has broken with Society, broken with its laws and conventions. He must despise the opinions of others, and be prepared for death and torture at any time. Hard towards himself, he must be hard to others, and in his heart there must be no place for love, friendship, gratitude or even honor.”

—Mikhail Bakunin

 

Phase one has phased out

Hardly an individual receiving this bulletin will be unfamiliar with the name at the top [National Socialist Liberation Front]. Lately with an organization of the “Mass Strategy” set, and currently on my own at last, unlike all other ventures of the past this one will succeed or fall flat due to the abilities or lack of them of just one person: ME. No more excuses or dependence on different backers or front-men, both of which have a way of never failing to screw up at the critical time. There will be those who will say that I’ve been able to go through fronts and front-men like a snake his skin.

True, up to a point, but that has ended now and for two reasons: one, there are no more of them left; and two, those surviving that I am no longer with or have never been with are still getting nowhere at a blinding rate of speed while the conditions in the country and in the world are becoming more and more revolutionary. I have been increasingly alarmed at this trend for quite a while, and my nerves won’t allow me to sit back and continue to play more games while the storm clouds build.

I’ve been associated with a lot of Nazi periodicals in the past. Some were original, some were assumed and some were resurrected. Some I lifted from others and some were lifted from me. I’ve been cheered and condemned. I’ve been called magnificent and I’ve been called everything from “white nigger” to a “slime-dripping reptile”.

As stated, I’ve been with the Mass Strategists—started out there a long time ago—gone with the Armed Struggle, and back again with other Mass Strategists. Personally I must say that I strongly favor the Armed Struggle. In format I’ve issued everything from downright rags to thick journals to tabloid newspapers. I’ve learned that, surprisingly, it doesn’t matter much what the format is or its appearance. Not even what you say or how you say it. Just that you know what the hell you’re talking about and who you are addressing it to.

Why, for example, talk out of the side of your mouth in legalistic euphemisms appealing to the noble instincts of a handful of Right Wing types while the bottom line must always come down to revolution, which scares them off? Why indeed break your back trying to get up a “mass” publication when you know damned good and well that the masses will never see it? A useless ploy directed at a useless bunch. (Or could it possibly be that the whole point to this nonsense is some sort of personal thrill or kick and, if luck is with you, maybe an easy living on the side?)

You can’t try to do two contradictory things at once in a too-little-too-late fashion. But that’s the history of the U.S. Right Wing of which the Nazis are a part in all but ideology. The whole basis of the Right Wing was to try and “hold”, defend a shrinking perimeter, shouting “Never!”, anti-this and anti-that. One can only be shoved over the brink so many times, or trampled and annihilated up to a certain point when one must admit that, if it was a defensive struggle that was being waged, it was lost a little while ago.

Vol. IX, #4- August, 1980

This was the first segment of the first
issue of James Mason’s revived SIEGE.

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