Reflections of an Aryan woman, 66

It is curious, to say the least, that this extraordinary episode—which, apart from its own ‘resonance’ of truth, is guaranteed by Kubizek’s ignorance of the superhuman realm—has not, to my knowledge, been commented on by any of those who have tried to link National Socialism to ‘occult’ sources. Even the authors who have—quite wrongly!—wanted to attribute to the Führer a nature of ‘medium’ have not, as far as I know, attempted to use it. Instead, they have insisted on the immense power of suggestion which he exercised not only over crowds (and women), but on all those who came, even if only occasionally, into contact with him; on men as coldly detached as a Himmler; on soldiers as realistic as an Otto Skorzeny, a Hans-Ulrich Rudel or a Degrelle.

Now, it is ignorance of the first elements of the science of para-psychic phenomena to consider as ‘medium’ one who enjoys such power. A medium is the one who receives, who undergoes suggestion; not the one who is capable of inflicting it on others, and especially many others. This power is the privilege of the hypnotist or magnetizer, and in this case of a magnetizer of a stature that borders on the superhuman; of a magnetizer capable for his benefit—or rather for the idea, of which he wants to be the promoter—to play the role of a ‘medium’ to the strongest, the stalest, the most resistant to any affecting.

One is not both a magnetiser and a medium. We are one or the other, or neither. And if we want to include some ‘para-psychic’ in the history of Adolf Hitler’s political career—as I believe we are entitled to do—then the magnetizer is him, whose power of exalting and transforming human beings, by the mere spoken word, is comparable to that which Orpheus exerted, it is said, by the enchantment of his lyre, on people and beasts. The ‘medium’ is the German people, almost all of them—and some non-Germans throughout the world, to whom the radio transmitted the bewitching Voice.

The episode mentioned above, of which I have translated Augustus Kubizek’s account, [1] could very well serve as an argument in favour of the presence of ‘medium gifts’ in the young Adolf Hitler if these so-called gifts weren’t contradicted resoundingly, precisely by the astonishing power of suggestion which he didn’t cease to exercise throughout his career on the multitudes and practically all the people. Indeed, Kubizek tells us that he had the distinct impression that ‘another I’ had spoken through his friend; that the stream of prophetic eloquence had seemed to flow from him as from a force alien to him. Now, if the adolescent speaker had nothing of the ‘medium’ about him; if he was in no way possessed by ‘an Other’—god or the devil, whatever; in any case not himself—what then was this ‘other I’ who seemed to take his place during that unforgettable hour on the summit of the Freienberg, under the stars, and to substitute him so completely that the friend would have had some difficulty in recognising him, hadn’t he continued to see him?

Understandably, Auguste Kubizek didn’t ‘dare to pass judgment’ on this. However, he speaks of an ‘ecstatic state’, of ‘complete rapture’ (völlige Entrückung) and the transposition of the visionary’s experience onto ‘another plane, tailored to him’ (auf eine andere, ihm gemässe Ebene). Moreover, this recent living experience—the impression made on him by the story of the 14th-century Roman tribune translated and interpreted by Wagner’s music—had been, the witness tells us, only the ‘external impulse’ which had led him to the vision of the personal as well as the national future; in other words, which had served as the occasion for the adolescent’s access to a new consciousness: a consciousness in which space and time, and the individual state that is linked to these limitations, are transcended.

This would mean that the ‘other plane to the measure’ of the young Adolf Hitler was nothing less than that of the ‘eternal present’ and that, far from having been ‘possessed’ by an alien entity, the future master of the multitudes had become master of the Centre of his being; that he had, under the mysterious influence of his initiator—Wagner—taken the great decisive step on the path of esoteric knowledge, undergone the first irreversible mutation—the opening of the ‘third eye’ which had made him an ‘Edenic man’.

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Editor’s Note: Are you finally beginning to understand the metaphor that I have used so many times on this site (the symbol of the three-eyed raven)?
 

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He had just acquired the degree of being corresponding to what is called, in initiatory language, the Little Mysteries. And the ‘other I’ which had spoken through his mouth of things that his daily conscious self was still unaware of, or perhaps only half-perceived ‘as if through a veil’, a few hours before, was his true ‘I’ and that of all the living: the Being, with whom he had just realized his identification.

It may seem strange to the vast majority of my readers—including those who still venerate him as ‘our Führer forever’—that he could, at such an astonishingly young age, have shown such an awakening to supra-sensible realities. Among the men who aspire with all their ardour to essential knowledge, how many are there, in fact, who grow old in meditation and pious exercises without yet reaching this level? But if there is one area where the most fundamental inequality and the most blatant appearance of ‘arbitrariness’ reigns, it is this.

God places his august sign on the forehead of whoever pleases him;
He has forsaken the eagle, and chosen the birdie,
Said the monk. Why did he do this? Who shall tell? Nobody![2]

There is no impossibility for an exceptional adolescent to cross the barrier opened to the mind in search of principled truth, initiation into the Little Mysteries. According to what is still told in India about his life, the great Sankaracharya was one of these. And twenty-two centuries earlier, Akhnaton, king of Egypt, was also sixteen years old when he began to preach the cult of Aten, Essence of the Sun, of which the ‘Disc’ is only the visible symbol. And everything leads us to believe that there were others, less and less rare as we go back for the cycle in which we live the last centuries.

If, on the other hand, one sees in Adolf Hitler one of the figures—and undoubtedly the penultimate one—of the One who returns when all seems lost; the most recent of the many precursors of the supreme divine incarnation or of the last messenger of the Eternal (the Mahdi of the Mahometans; the Christ returned in glory of the Christians; the Maitreya of the Buddhists; the Saoshyant of the Mazdeans; the Kalki of the Hindus) or by whatever name one wishes to call him, who is to end this cycle and usher in the Golden Age of the next, then all becomes clear.

For then, naturally, he was an adolescent and before that, already an exceptional child: a child whose sign, a word, a nothing (or what might seem ‘a nothing’ to anyone else) was enough to awaken his intellectual intuition. So, it is not impossible to think that, from the school years 1896-97, 1897-98 (and partly 1898-99), which he spent as a pupil at the Benedictine abbey of Lambach-an-Traun, in Upper Austria, the magic of the Holy Swastika—a powerful cosmic symbol, an immemorial evocator of the principal truth—seized him, penetrated him, dominated him; that he had, beyond the exhilarating solemnity of Catholic worship, identified with it forever.

For the Reverend Father Theodorich Hagen, Abbot of Lambach, had, thirty years earlier, this sacred sign engraved on the walls, on the woodwork, in every corner of the monastery, however paradoxical such an action may seem ‘without counterpart in a Christian convent’.[3] And as he sang in the choir the young Adolf, nine years old in 1898, ten years old in 1899, had ‘right in front of him’ on ‘the high back of the abbot’s chair’, in the very centre of Father Hagen’s heraldic shield, the ancient Symbol now destined to remain forever attached to his name.

It is natural, then, that he should have been aware very early on, in parallel with his opening up to the world of Essences, of what had to be done in this visible and tangible world, at the eleventh hour, a ‘recovery’; or even only to suggest one—to sound the last, supreme warning of the Gods, in case the universal decadence was irredeemable (as indeed it seems to be). And, as Kubizek reports, there is every reason to believe that this was the case, since even at the time of his extraordinary awakening the future Führer spoke of the ‘mission’ (Auftrag) he was to receive one day, to lead the people ‘from bondage to the heights of freedom’.[4]

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[1] There is a French edition of Auguste Kubizek’s book Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund, published by Gallimard. Unfortunately, the original text has been shortened. The most interesting passages of this story are not included in the translation.

[2] Leconte de Lisle in the poem entitled ‘Hieronymus’, in Poèmes tragiques.

[3] Brissaud : Hitler et l’Ordre Noir, page 23.

[4] Kubizek: Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund, page 140.

Published in: on January 7, 2022 at 1:12 pm  Comments Off on Reflections of an Aryan woman, 66  

History of American NS, 8

The National Alliance and smaller
organizations (1970-1985)

By any imaginable standards, the National Socialist White People’s Party was the predominant NS organization in the United States throughout the 1970s and into the early 1980s. But it was not the only NS group. Except for the National Renaissance Party and NSDAP-AO, all of these other formations began as spin-offs or splinters of the NSWPP. For the most part, these other groups did not amount to much. Sometimes, the number of letters in their grandiose names exceeded the number of people they had on their mailing list. Nevertheless, they need to be included in any complete history of the NS movement in America – and three of these formations (the NA, the NSDAP-AO and the NSM) went on to play a significant role in the Movement after the end of the NSWPP.

In his 1968 essay, ‘Some Guidelines for the Development of the National Socialist Movement’ Matt Koehl noted: ‘Every dynamic force in history produces centrifugal tendencies. This has been true of the Christian church and the Marxist sects, as well as the National Socialist movement’. Professional Jewish ‘hate watcher’ Leonard Zeskind, comparing White Nationalism in America to an army, said that the movement consists solely of ‘generals and privates’ because as soon as a general promotes one of his privates to captain, the newly-minted captain declares himself to be a general and starts his army. There is certainly truth in the observations of both Koehl and Zeskind. Personality clashes differences, especially among the leaders, were the main reason that there were so many organizations all professing the same basic beliefs.

Here, listed alphabetically, is a roster of some of the NS-oriented formations active in the US during the 1970s.

  1. American Mobilizers (New York City)
  2. American Nazi Party (two different groups, one based in Hollywood, California, and the other in Phoenix, Arizona)
  3. American White Nationalist Party (Ohio)
  4. National Renaissance Party (greater NYC area)
  5. National Socialist League (San Francisco/Los Angeles)
  6. National Socialist Liberation Front (Los Angeles)
  7. National Socialist Movement (Ohio)
  8. National Socialist Party of America (Chicago)
  9. National Socialist Party of North Carolina
  10. National Socialist White Workers Party (San Francisco)
  11. National White People’s Party (North Carolina)
  12. National Youth Alliance (later the National Alliance)
  13. NSDAP-AO (Lincoln, Nebraska)
  14. United White Peoples Party (Cleveland)
  15. White Power Movement (West Virginia)
  16. White Youth Alliance (later the National Party, New Orleans)

This list is not inclusive, and other small groups came and went without leaving a mark on the political landscape.

These various organizations all shared a common ideology in a broad sense. Sometimes there were minor theoretical differences. The NWPP quibbled with the NSWPP over the inclusion of the word ‘socialist’; the NSL was a homosexual group, whereas all of the others were stridently anti-homosexual; the UWPP was openly Christian, while the NA and the NRP argued against Christianity.

But overall, all of the groups listed agreed on a certain body of core beliefs, namely:

  • that the White race was superior to all other races and needed to be defended
  • that the Jews were the enemy of all mankind and needed to be opposed
  • that race-mixing was wrong
  • that Blacks and other non-Whites (but especially Blacks) needed to be expelled from the US
  • that communism was a creation of the Jews and was evil, and
  • that the United States had fought on the wrong side during World War II, and it would have been better if Hitler had won the war.

It would be tedious and pointless to examine each of the organizations listed in detail, as most of them were insignificant, even by the modest standards of American National Socialism. But some among them do deserve discussion.

 
William Pierce and the National Youth Alliance

In 1968, Alabama Governor George Wallace mounted a presidential campaign as an independent candidate, opposing both the Republicans and the Democrats. Wallace presented himself as a disguised racialist, who would recapture the federal government from the traitors and ‘pointy-headed bureaucrats’ and reinstitute a White Constitutional republic.

It was all a lie: Wallace was just a two-bit political huckster bent on riding a massive wave of White discontent over the direction the country was heading. Nevertheless, his campaign released and focused on White resentment and anger as never before in the post-World War II era. In the November election, he won nearly 10 million popular votes and carried five southern states, totalling 46 electoral votes. Although Wallace himself was not a committed White racialist, probably 99 per cent of those who voted for him were Whites who had a positive sense of racial consciousness.

There were three different ways that American National Socialists reacted to the Wallace movement: Some, such as the NSWPP, denounced Wallace as the fraud that he was. Others ignored him as irrelevant to their efforts. But one man, at least, was shrewd enough to realize that the Wallace movement presented a unique opening for hardline racialists. That man was Willis Carto, whom we discussed in the sixth instalment of this series. Carto was a shrewd judge of human character, and he knew that Wallace was a false White Messiah. But he saw a wonderful opportunity to harness the tremendous racial energy that Wallace had unleashed.

Carto formed a student organization, ‘Youth for Wallace’ as an independent adjunct to the official Wallace movement. The goal was to amass a huge mailing list of young racially conscious White people who were attracted to the Wallace campaign and to use that mailing list for a post-electoral effort. And this he did.

Following the election, he transformed the YFW into a new organization, the National Youth Alliance. He recruited Dr Revilo Oliver to help him in the new enterprise. Carto had had a personal connection with the deceased neo-fascist ideologist Francis Parker Yockey and was the publisher of a popular edition of Yockey’s 1948 masterwork Imperium: The Philosophy of Politics and History. Because of this connection, Carto used Yockey’s thought as the ideological basis of the NYA. Yockey was not a racialist as we consider the term today: rather than racialism rooted in biological reality, he championed a wispy, insubstantial ‘spiritual’ racial ideology. Oliver was not especially enthusiastic about Yockeyism, but went along with it, later explaining that Yockey’s thought was ‘the best option open to us at the time’.

Carto’s NYA never went very far. He appointed Louis Byers as his frontman. Byers published one issue of a newspaper called Attack!, held a few meetings and distributed copies of Imperium. Within a year, the NYA was moribund.

As previously discussed, Dr William L. Pierce had split from the NSWPP in mid-1970, at the same time the nascent NYA was foundering. After the split, Pierce found himself at looses ends politically. He issued two multi-page public letters to the mailing list that he had accumulated. In the first letter, he gave his reasons for leaving the NSWPP. In the second, entitled Prospectus for a National Front he put forth his vision for a new American NS movement. He signed both letters ‘Heil Hitler!’ (see here).

In essence, what Pierce proposed was an organization that would retain basic National Socialist ideology but would be stripped of the external NS trappings that had characterized the movement since Rockwell formed the American Nazi Party in 1959: there would be no Swastikas, no uniforms, no glorification of Adolf Hitler and no fixation with National Socialist Germany. Serious political activism would replace the publicity stunts that Rockwell had used to propel himself into the headlines.
 

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Editor’s Note: See why a few days ago I wanted to read a history of American racialism? I was unaware of this precisely because I was reluctant to read the history of the Jew Leonard Zeskind, mentioned by Kerr above.

If I had known this little piece of info, I wouldn’t have romanticised Pierce as much as I did since 2010 until this year. It is clear that, on this point, Savitri Devi had a much deeper grasp than Pierce about how the collective unconscious works.

For example, keeping in mind what I said in my last post, had I known in my teens that there were two racist groups in the neighbouring country to the north, without any doubt I would have immediately chosen the one that was overtly NS: Matt Koehl’s (pic below)!

Now I see that it was Pierce who opened the first door to what since the mid-1990s John Gardner would start to call ‘white nationalism’: patriotard, tepid racialism that (unlike NS) is never going to amount to anything because it is incapable of, to use a Jungian term, making contact with the Self: the divine part at the core of the Aryan. This is so even taking into account that Pierce wasn’t lukewarm.

It doesn’t matter that Pierce tried to create a new religion (pace what Kerr says about ‘cosmotheism’ below). Without the central symbol of Hitler, deified as Savitri did it in her writings, it is impossible to replace the old religion (the Judeo-Christian poison) with the new one. It is impossible to transvalue values for the simple reason that what the Aryan needs are human models like Leonidas, Hermann and Hitler—instead of a mythical Jew from 1st century Palestine. A lot must be written about this in the future. For the moment, just remember Mauricio’s words quoted below the Roman sculpture, almost at the top of the sidebar. Kerr continues:
 

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Pierce’s letters met with a lukewarm response. Although people respected his intellect and his dedication, he had not yet proven himself as a leader. Few were ready to throw in with him in starting a new organization from scratch, especially since the NSWPP was flourishing.

At some point, Pierce sat down with the NYA’s Byers. He had given it his best shot, Byers said but had been unable to get the NYA off the ground, even after investing a substantial sum of Carto’s money and most of his savings into the venture. He offered the group to Pierce, if he wanted it, contingent on Carto’s approval. Pierce said that he was interested. Carto went along with the proposal, with the assumption that Pierce would just be another frontman as Byers had been, and that he, Carto, would call the shots from behind the scenes.

There was not a whole lot to turn over to Pierce. He received a mailing list of 15,000 names, most of which dated back to the Youth for Wallace group and were over two years old. But he also received Carto’s backing. Pierce produced the second issue of Attack! along the lines, he had discussed in his Prospectus. He jettisoned the Yockey angle and resurrected NYA as a group based on biological racialism. The tabloid was an immediate success. For a cost of $2,000, he received $6,000 back in the mail, and he could now separate the wheat from the chaff in the old NYA mailing list.

It was soon clear that Pierce had no intention of being a frontman for Carto. He was his own man and would run the NYA as he saw fit. Carto was outraged. There was a brief power struggle from which Pierce emerged victorious. By early 1971, Pierce had his group. Had he not taken over the NYA, Pierce would have doubtlessly gone on to form a new group of his own. However, with the resources of the NYA at his disposal, meagre though they may have been, he was able to move forward more rapidly than he would have otherwise.

The first NYA facility was in Washington DC, Georgetown neighbourhood. Today Georgetown is toney and upscale, but back in the early 1970s it was decidedly low-rent. A two-story brick building was provided to Pierce by Carto. On the ground floor was the Western Destiny Bookstore. The phrase Western Destiny was a nod to Yockey, whose acolytes called themselves ‘Destiny Thinkers’. Part of the stock came from the NSWPP’s George Lincoln Rockwell Bookstore, which had been run by Robert Lloyd. Lloyd had sided with Pierce in his split with Matt Koehl, and the contents of the bookstore came with him. The rest of the stock came from Carto’s own Noontide Press operation. Above the bookstore was Pierce’s office, where he produced Attack! and carried out routine administrative tasks for the Alliance. The bookstore was manned by Pierce’s first two followers, who had come over to him from the NSWPP.
 

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Editor’s note: So at least at the beginning, there had long been some founding stones for a future publishing house, which is what I was concerned about in my earlier comments on this series. Kerr continues:

______ 卐 ______

 
However, after he broke with Carto, Pierce lost use of the facility. He eventually relocated the NYA office to Crystal City, across the Potomac River in South Arlington. He would have different offices in Crystal City over the years, until he finally moved the operation (then greatly expanded) to Hillsboro, West Virginia, in August 1985.

The NYA presented itself to the public as an activist group, but the reality was that it had few activists. In the four years of its operations, two small, low-key picket-line demonstrations were its only organized public activities. In 1973, Pierce testified against Secretary of State nominee Henry Kissinger before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He stated that Kissinger, as a Jew would favour the interests of Israel over America. But for the most part, the NYA and Pierce kept a low profile.

Most of its energy and resources went into producing and distributing Attack! which quickly became a ‘must-read’ publication in pro-White circles. Although it had some agitational content, its strong point was thoughtful, in-depth essays by Pierce on a wide range of racial and societal topics. At first, Pierce had to write most of each issue himself. In time, however, he was able to attract other writers who were impressed with his intelligence, realism and seriousness. One of these young recruits was Mark Weber, who went on to become a leading revisionist historian and head of the Institute for Historical Review.

Another feature of Attack! was The Turner Diaries. This was a serialized novel, an episode of which appeared in each issue. Pierce used the format of an adventure story set shortly to present his ideas concerning race and revolution. In 1978, the episodes of this series were collected and published as a novel. The novel proved to be immensely popular and successful: hundreds of thousands of copies have been printed in several different editions, and for a while, it could even be found in mainstream bookstores across the US. This gave Pierce’s core message an audience far beyond the relatively small readership of Attack!

As the 1970s wore on, the premises on which the NYA were founded eroded. The upheaval and turmoil of the Vietnam War era subsided, and the dynamic radicalism of the 1960s gave way to a prosperous society based on conspicuous consumption. As noted, the NYA had been founded as a student organization with membership limited to those under 30 years of age. Pierce recognized that he needed to make some adjustments to fit the changing situation.

 
The National Alliance

In February 1974, the NYA was reorganized as the National Alliance. In May of that year, Pierce adopted the Life Rune as its symbol. In 1977, the Attack! newspaper was replaced by the National Vanguard tabloid. In May 1982, Pierce retired the tabloid format, which was designed for mass distribution, and relaunched National Vanguard as a magazine printed on glossy stock and aimed at a more select audience. With occasional interruptions, the print version of National Vanguard continued until 2009, at which time it was temporarily suspended. It exists today in an online format (here).

Although later it attracted enough followers to stage impressive public demonstrations, the NA, like the NYA before it, kept a low profile in its first years. In terms of recruitment, it focused on quality, rather than quantity. Unlike the NSWPP, which had a political focus, or the NSWPP’s successor organization, the New Order which defined itself in spiritual terms, the National Alliance was an educational organization. The content of National Vanguard reflected this. A sales division, National Vanguard Books was created; the NA’s extensive booklist was the envy of every pro-White group and even attracted attention from like-minded formations abroad. The simple list was replaced in 1984 by a magazine-format illustrated catalogue. In 1983, Pierce recruited Kevin Alfred Strom. Strom’s first major project was compiling and producing a huge, portfolio-sized volume called The Best of Attack and National Vanguard Tabloid.

Internally, Pierce continued to develop his movement’s ideology. In serialized fashion, like The Turner Diaries, he wrote a comprehensive history of the White race stretching from remote prehistory through the second half of the 20th century. It was called Who We Are.

Although he was a practical man, who kept his attention focused on the important tasks immediately before him in building the NA, he also had a reflective side to his personality. His reflections on Man and Race, and their place in the Universe (or Cosmos), resulted in Pierce founding Cosmotheism. This was the philosophical or spiritual dimension of the National Alliance worldview. Or perhaps it is better to say that it is Cosmotheism that is all-encompassing, and the NA is its political manifestation at this point in history. Although his focus on the NA and the challenges before it kept him from developing this new belief in-depth, he spent enough effort on it to author three short essays which serve as its basic texts: The Path (1977), On Living Things (1979) and On Society (1984).

As I have written before, if our Race survives the existential crises which now beset it, William Pierce will not be remembered by future generations as the author of The Turner Diaries, or even as the founder of the National Alliance, but rather as the man who first codified the Will of Nature as Cosmotheism.

In August 1985 – at roughly the same time that Matt Koehl moved the headquarters of the New Order to Milwaukee – Pierce relocated the national office of the NA to Hillsboro, West Virginia. Further discussion of the evolution of these two organizations in the late 1900s and early 2000s lies beyond the scope of this article.

 
National Socialist Party of America

Another split occurred in the NSWPP at roughly the same time that Pierce broke away. This led to the creation of the National Socialist Party of America, which lasted until 1980.

Frank Collin was the leader of the Chicago Unit of the NSWPP. He was half-Jewish: his father was Max Simon Collin (born Cohn), a German Jew who had been interned in the Dachau detention facility in the 1930s, before emigrating to the United States. Frank Collin’s mother was of Irish-Catholic descent. Collin concealed his Jewish heritage when he joined the NSWPP. In 1970, the NSWPP headquarters in Arlington received a tip concerning Collin’s father. National Organizer Robert Lloyd investigated the allegation by examining the pertinent immigration and birth records, which were available to the public. He determined that Collin was indeed half-Jewish.

Collin was asked by the NSWPP to step down as the Chicago leader, but he refused. This caused a split in the local group, with hardline party loyalists remaining with the NSWPP, and Collin and his followers breaking away to form the NSPA. Collin dishonestly told his members that he did not have any Jewish descent. Despite the hard evidence against him, his followers chose to believe him.

The NSPA was based in the Marquette Park neighbourhood on Chicago’s west side, where George Lincoln Rockwell had successfully organized White resistance to racial integration in 1966. The party headquarters was called Rockwell Hall, and the group enjoyed a high level of support among the area’s besieged White population. The NSPA occasionally ran candidates for public officer. In 1975, Collin standing for alderman received sixteen per cent of the vote. Although it was a tiny group with only a handful of members, it received massive nationwide publicity on two occasions.

The first of these was the ‘Skokie controversy’. The NSPA was told that it would be unable to use Marquette Park for its White Power rallies unless it posted a huge deposit with the city. The small group, with no base of financial support to speak of, was unable to raise the amount. Instead, it announced that it would march in Skokie, Illinois, a community with a large Jewish population, many of whom were reputed to be ‘Holocaust survivors’. When the city of Skokie prohibited the march, Collin took it to court for violating his First Amendment rights. The case wound through the court system, eventually finding its way to the Supreme Court. In the end, Collin was allowed to march in Skokie but declined to do so. The rally deposit for public parks required by Chicago was also struck down.

The NSPA also garnered major worldwide publicity for its participation in the Greensboro, North Carolina, shootout between Klansmen and National Socialists on one side, and members of a Marxist sect calling itself the Communist Workers Party on the other. The North Carolina chapter of the NSPA had originally been yet another NSWPP splinter group called the National Socialist Party of North Carolina. It was led by Harold Covington, a former NSWPP activist and staff member. In 1976 he merged his mini-party with the NSPA and was appointed ‘Deputy Party Leader’ by Collin.

The CWP had been agitating local Negroes against the Klan in the futile belief that this would make the Negroes support communism. A series of skirmishes between the Klan and their NSPA allies and the CWP culminated in a ‘Death to the Klan’ rally organized by the Reds in a Black neighbourhood of Greensboro. The CWP taunted the Klan, calling them cowards and it dared them to attend the rally to counter-protest.

The rally was held as scheduled on November 3, 1979. The Reds were startled when a caravan of cars containing twelve Klansmen and four NSPA members drove to the rally site. (Covington refused to go along, claiming that his life was ‘too important to risk’.) Recovering from their initial surprise, the Communists attacked the vehicles. The Klansmen and National Socialists left their cars and engaged in a brawl with the Marxists. At some point, the Reds pulled back and opened fire on the men from the convoy with handguns. One Klansman, Harold Flowers, was wounded by gunfire. The Klansmen and NS’ers then retrieved long guns from the trunks of their vehicles and returned fire, killing five of the Reds and wounding a dozen others.

Sixteen of the Klan/NS convoy were arrested for murder but were subsequently found not guilty. This was a good showing on the part of the NSPA, but it proved to be their last hurrah. In December 1979, Collin was expelled from his party after evidence was discovered by NSPA members proving that he was a paedophile who had molested young boys in the Rockwell Hall headquarters. This information was subsequently turned over to the police, who arrested Collin in January 1980. Upon conviction of the charges, he served three years in jail. He has since reinvented himself as ‘Francis Joseph’. a self-described neo-pagan and expert on Atlantis and similar subjects.

Covington briefly took over the NSPA. He ran what was left of the party from his Raleigh, North Carolina office rather than Rockwell Hall. Sometime in 1981 or 1982, he abandoned the party and moved to Ireland. Another NSPA officer, Michael Allen, took command before finally dissolving the group in the mid-1980s.

 
NSDAP/AO

The initials NSDAP/AO stand for Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei Aufbau- und Auslandsorganisation, which is German for National Socialist German Workers Party Development and Foreign Organization. Unlike the other groups listed here, the NSDAP/AO did not view the United States as its major field of operations; rather it was formed as a propaganda base for the German NS movement. Any open manifestation of National Socialism was strictly illegal in both West Germany and East Germany in the 1970s (as they remain so today in the reunited German state). The purpose of the NSDAP/AO was to produce hardline NS material in the US, which would then be smuggled into Germany.

The NSDAP/AO was formed in 1973 by Gerhard Lauck, an American of German descent. Lauck, who was only 19 years old at the time, was encouraged in his efforts by former members of the German-American Bund. In March of that year he published the first issue of NS Kampruf (‘NS Battle Cry’), a German-language National Socialist publication. The NSDAP/AO also published leaflets, stickers and posters. It began with modest press runs of a few thousand, but within two years it was printing hundreds of thousands of pieces of material at a time.

Sometimes this literature was mailed directly into Germany. However, because of interference by the German police, Lauck eventually developed a network that allowed him to send bulk shipments of material to countries bordering Germany where National Socialism was legal, such as Denmark. It was then smuggled across the border for distribution to underground NS cells.

In 1974, Lauck entered Germany for organizational purposes. He was ordered deported and eventually allowed himself to be arrested by the police.

Also in 1974, the NSDAP/AO began to involve itself in the American NS movement. Lauck initially tried to form a working relationship with Matt Koehl, who was the leader not only of the National Socialist White People’s Party but also of the World Union of National Socialists. WUNS had German and other European contacts. However, neither man fully trusted the other, and so Lauck cast about elsewhere for American allies. He eventually settled on an alliance with Frank Collin and his NSPA.

In April 1975, the NSDAP/AO issued its first English-language publication, the NS Report. Eventually, it was merged with Collin’s irregularly-published tabloid The New Order and adopted the other publication’s name. Lauck lent his political support to NSPA activities and attended some of them in person. In 1980, NSPA leader Collin was arrested for child molestation and was replaced by Harold Covington, who purchased the Rockwell Hall headquarter. Lauck soon broke with Covington and kept his distance from the American NS scene for the next two decades.

The NSDAP/AO continues its work to this day. In addition to English and German, it has expanded its operations to include material in over two-dozen languages. Its main website is: this.

 
National Socialist Movement and the National Socialist White Workers Party

The National Socialist Movement, which was alive and healthy in 2018, began in 1976 as a letterhead organization run by Robert Brannen and James Mason. The group conducted no activities, other than publishing a small photocopied newsletter. In April 1978, it merged with the National Socialist White Workers Party.

The NSWWP was an offshoot of the San Francisco Unit of the NSWPP. It was headed by Allen Vincent, an Old Fighter from the Rockwell years. The NSWPP in Northern California had been the subject of a documentary film that was nominated for an Academy Award in 1976, and which was later screened in Cannes. Vincent was the central figure in the film. After the film’s release, he broke with Matt Koehl and started his mini-party in the San Francisco bay area. It held occasional meetings and public activities and opened the Rudolf Hess Bookstore. The store was in a predominantly non-White area and was quickly stormed and destroyed by an angry mob. Vincent and his followers made a narrow escape out the back door.

At some point, both Brannen and Mason lost interest in the NSM/NSWWP. Brannen, the group’s chairman, turned it over to Clifford Herrington. Herrington had been in the NSWPP and a variety of splinter formations, and also ran his Satanic group called the ‘Joy of Satan’. In the 1990s, Herrington left the group and named Jeff Schoep as his successor. Surprisingly, Schoep proved an accomplished organizer and activist, and by 2000 he had made the NSM the largest and most-successful NS group in the US since the NSWPP was dissolved in 1983.

James Mason went on to form the Universal Order, another letterhead group, which combined traditional National Socialist doctrine with the teachings (such as they are) of the homicidal cult leader Charles Manson.

 
National Socialist Liberation Front

The NSLF was another NSWPP-breakaway, led by Joseph Tommasi. He had been the most impressive and successful of the NSWPP’s local leaders. He ran the Los Angeles Unit of the party out of a large Swastika-decorated farmhouse in the LA suburb of El Monte. Tommasi was a talented public speaker and organizer and had a charismatic personality. At a time when many NSWPP units struggled to raise a dozen men for local demonstrations, Tommasi could put 40 to 50 troopers in the street. By most political metrics, this is a pitifully small number, but by the low standards of post-War American National Socialism, it was noteworthy.

Unfortunately, Tommasi was impulsive, hot-headed and undisciplined. He viewed his NSWPP chapter as an independent NS franchise that he could run however he saw fit. Commander Matt Koehl, however, considered each local unit to be subordinate to the party’s national organization. Koehl repeatedly tried to bring Tommasi’s operation into line with the rest of the party, but the 22-year-old Tommasi was stubborn and refused to comply. In 1973, Koehl reluctantly removed Tommasi as the Los Angeles Unit leader. In March of 1974, Tommasi broke from the NSWPP to form the National Socialist Liberation Front.

The NSLF, supposedly, was committed to ‘building the National Socialist revolution through armed struggle’. Tommasi, however, was limited in how much-armed struggle he could undertake since the group was heavily infiltrated by the police from the moment of its inception. Instead, he allied with an anti-Castro Cuban group based in South El Monte. The Cubans would commit small acts of violence against local Marxist organizations, and by mutual arrangement the NSLF would publicly take the credit for them. Actual NSLF activities were largely limited to attacks on the NSWPP and its personnel, against which Tommasi continued to harbour a grudge.

On August 15, 1975, Tommasi was shot dead on the steps of his former NSWPP headquarters when a confrontation he initiated with two NSWPP security officers turned violent. One of the men later pled guilty to second-degree murder and was sentenced to six months in jail. Following Tommasi’s death, the NSLF was led by David Rust, but within a few years Rust found himself in prison on weapons charges. Periodic attempts were made to revive the group by James Mason, Karl Hand and others. None of these attempts was unsuccessful.

 
National Socialist League

The National Socialist League was an organization in Los Angeles and San Francisco for homosexuals. Homosexuals were not allowed in NS or related groups, which in fact, were vociferously anti-homosexual. Thus, the NSL was in a category of its own, seeking to combine National Socialism with ‘the struggle for sexual liberation’. The NSL was founded by Russell Raymond Veh, a former NSWPP activist who left the party after he belatedly discovered that it was hostile to his sexuality.

The NSL undertook no public activities. What its private activities were one can only imagine. It published a newsletter, initially called NS Kampfruf (no doubt plagiarized from Gerhard Lauck’s publication of the same name), but later changed to NS Mobilizer. The NSL lasted from the mid-1970s to the early 1980s.

We will not chronicle or document the other groups listed at the beginning of this article. With the notable exceptions of the NA, the NSDAP/AO and the NSM, these minor formations – some of them very minor indeed! – all tell the same story: A disgruntled NSWPP member declares himself to be the new Führer and proceeds to lead his corporal’s guard of followers into obscurity.

Taken together, these smaller groups cut a poor figure. Indeed, they hurt the overall prospects of American National Socialism by opening the movement up to ridicule, and by making it seem unappealing and unsavoury to disaffected Whites who might otherwise consider National Socialism in a positive light. Yet for good or for ill, they are part of the historical record.

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 46

Maybe you could admit it, if it was about a politician. But the Leader of National Socialist Germany was something else entirely. He represented, as I have said, the most recent of the visible and tangible manifestations of Him who periodically returns to lead the struggle ‘against Time’ which has been going on, intensifying, since the end of the unthinkable Golden Age, far, far behind us, and which, at the same time, announces the next Golden Age: the blessed beginning of the next cycle.
 

______ 卐 ______

 
Editor’s note: It seems to me that here I’ll differ with Savitri (I don’t think the Golden Age existed), but for the moment I won’t enter into the discussion because I haven’t yet read The Lightning and the Sun. I’ve ordered a hard-cover copy from Counter-Currents Publishing since last month, but for some reason I haven’t received it yet. Only when I read The Lightning and the Sun, considered Savitri’s magnum opus, will I know whether I will disagree with her on this point. In the meantime, let’s stick with the book she wrote in French:
 

______ 卐 ______

 
Any action he may have taken in the direction of Time can only be fully explained in the light of his mission against Time, of his desperate effort at recovery accomplished in the present conditions of the world, that is, very close relatively speaking to the end of the present cycle. It is the action of an initiate, and therefore of a visionary (not in the sense of a victim of hallucinations but in the sense of a man capable of considering time, including the time in which he lived and the people who lived with him from the point of view of the eternal present); the action of a prophet, a realist as all true prophets are.

He saw very clearly, and it was not necessary to be an initiate or a prophet, the growing interest of the masses in the material pleasures of life, and the absurdity of any effort to distract them from it. He understood that in an age increasingly dominated by technology it cannot be otherwise. More than that, he understood that, deep down, it had never been otherwise; that only the nature of the ‘material amenities’ could change, not the tendency of the majority of people to give them enormous importance—and this for the simple reason that the masses are the masses, everywhere and always. He knew that while human races are unequally gifted, so are men within the same race, or even the same people; that, in particular, alongside the German elite which all his efforts tended to promote, there was—and always would be, even after the installation of the National Socialist ‘new order’—the masses.

In an interview reported by Hermann Rauschning (a man who has become the enemy of the Hitler faith to the very extent that he has begun to grasp at least some aspects of it and whom, therefore, we must believe whenever the words he quotes are really in the mind of the person who is supposed to have uttered them) the Führer sets forth, as early as the summer of 1932, his conception of the German social order as it must, in his eyes, emerge from the revolution he is leading. ‘There will be’, he said, ‘a class of lords from the most diverse elements, which will be recruited in the struggle and will thus find its historical justification. There will be a crowd of the various members of the Party, ranked hierarchically. It is they who will form the new middle classes. There will also be the great mass of the anonymous, the collectivity of servants, the miners ad aeternum. It doesn’t matter whether they were farm owners, workers or labourers in the former bourgeois society. The economic position and social role of the past will no longer have the slightest significance.[1]

There was, therefore, and there must have been for him, even within the good and brave German people he loved, a mass that was irreducibly ‘minor’: a sympathetic mass, to be sure, because of the good Aryan race despite its naivety from which exceptional individuals could sometimes emerge and stand out; but, on the whole, a mass nonetheless with all the mediocrity that this word suggests. It was to them that the Führer offered an increasingly standardised life, full of amenities within their reach, material amenities above all, it goes without saying: the cheap house (which could be dismantled and reassembled) whose parts, the same everywhere, would be easy to find; the radio, the typewriter, and other cheap conveniences.

One only has to remember how much of an artist he was to the core, and in particular how much he had an innate sense of everything that ‘looked good’, to imagine the secret contempt he must have felt for any uniformity from below: a pitiful caricature of unity, the principle of creative synthesis.

One only has to think of his lifestyle—his legendary frugality, in the most beautiful surroundings possible; the fact that in Vienna, for example, during the years of misery that were to mark him so deeply, he went without food to afford a place in the ‘henhouse’ and to hear and see some of Wagner’s opera—to measure the gulf that separated him from all vulgar humanity, and especially from a certain fat type of Teutonic plebeian, whose conception of happiness is schematically, but forcefully and aptly, evoked in the title of a record emanating from the satiated Germany of 1969, Sauerkraut und Bier. This type didn’t wait for 1969 to appear but was widely represented among the crowds who, between 1920 and 1945, cheered Adolf Hitler, voted for him and, especially after the seizure of power, flocked to the Party and helped to increase its membership to fourteen million.

This abyss between the Führer and the densest folk, physically and intellectually, or the most mediocre of his people didn’t prevent him from loving them. He saw, beyond their narrow-minded individuality, the beautiful children who could spring from them, blood having many mysteries. And he saw the Reich, which he was reshaping from top to bottom to make it the centre of a pan-Aryan Empire, and he knew that ‘in their place’ they were part of it.

And if, understanding their limitations and the impossibility of making them overcome them, he offered them each a comfortable material life, ‘pleasant’ in its growing uniformity—a life which he didn’t offer at all to the elite—he also offered them, in the increasingly grandiose public ceremonies, the interminable parades, the music of battle songs through the paved streets, the nightly processions by the light of real torches; the Harvest festivals; the Labour festivals; the Youth festivals; the magnificent annual Party meetings in Nuremberg for days on end with countless red flags with black swastikas on a white circle at the foot of giant pylons at the top of which the flame from the massive bronze cups, the morning to evening in the bright sunshine, and from evening to midnight under the unreal phosphorescence of the columns of light faltering from the floodlights all around.

He offered them, I say, in all this, as well as in his radio speeches, and above all in the magnetism of his presence: an atmosphere such as no people had yet had the privilege of experiencing. The less intuitive, the less artistic, the densest people were subjected to this magical atmosphere which lifted them despite of themselves, above themselves; which transformed them little by little, without their knowledge, by the mere fact of the almost daily intoxication which it poured upon them: the intoxication of beauty; vertigo of strength; repeated contact with the very egregore of Germany which possessed them, pulling them out of their insignificance and returning them for a moment to what was eternal in them, the bewitching rhythm of the ‘Sieg! Heil!’ from five hundred thousand chests.

They were under this spell, and as long as they remained ‘under the spell’ they were great—greater than all peoples; greater than the men, Germans or foreign visitors, who, individually more refined, more intelligent, better than each of them, remained, for some reason or other insensitive to this spell in the strongest sense of the word. For they participated in the divine power which emanated from Him who called them to battle against the sinister Forces of decadence. They were encompassed in the beauty of His dream. And it is enough to remember the imposing solemnities of the Third Reich, if one has seen any, or to read a description of them in person (for example, Robert Brasillach’s description of the Party Congress in Nuremberg in September 1935 in his novel The Seven Colours), or just to look at good photographs of them in the few surviving albums of the period, to realise how beautiful they were—beautiful and popular—and how different they were from the official celebrations, even with military parades, of other countries under other regimes.

Unlike the organised displays of collective patriotic fervour that the governments of the ‘free world’ periodically (though increasingly rarely) regale their citizens with, there were no weary faces, no dull faces, no signs of reluctant participation or boredom. And, unlike the parallel collective demonstrations of the communist world there was nothing vulgar about them. There were no monstrous, oversized daguerrotypes of the dictator, or some ‘people’s father’ ideologue, living or dead, posted on the surrounding buildings or marching with the political, military and paramilitary formations, brandished high above their ranks; none of these heterogeneous bands daubed with demagogic slogans; nothing, I repeat, absolutely nothing of the pasteboard paraphernalia of the delirious proletarian.

There is more. These extraordinary solemnities of National Socialist Germany were beautiful in the sense that works of art of cosmic significance are beautiful. Not only was there a profusion of the immemorial swastika on the folds of the red, white and black banners (themselves symbolic colours), on the immense banners, on the men’s armbands, on the granite of the stands from the top of which the Führer was communing with his people.

It was a metaphysical symbol and not a mere image recalling such and such human activities, or ideas to the measure of man; but the gestures that were performed there, the words that were repeated there, unchanging on every occasion: symbolic, liturgical. Let us think, among other things, of the consecration of the new flags that Adolf Hitler put, one by one, in contact with the old ‘Blood Standard’: all charged with the magnetism of the dead of November 9, or of the ritual dialogue of the Führer with the leaders and young recruits of the peasant formations of the Arbeitsdienst, standing in perfect order before him, armed with their shovels like soldiers with their rifles: ‘Are you ready to fertilize the holy German land?’ – ‘Yes; we are ready’.

These solemnities were themselves symbolic: gigantic sacred dramas, mysteries where the attitude, the word, the creative rhythm and the silence in which the hundreds of thousands communed with the Centre of their collective being evoked: the hidden meaning, the eternal meaning of the New Order.

Only He who returns from age to age could, amid the reign of excessive technology—and mind-numbing standardisation—delight the working masses, and make them participate in such mysteries; transfigure them, infuse them if only for a few brief years—even the densest human specimens among them!—the enthusiasm of the regenerate.

___________

[1] H. Rauschning, Hitler Told Me translated from the German by A. Lehmanu 13th edition, Paris 1939, page 61.

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 13

 

Chapter IV

The contempt of the average man

 

‘Et la honte d’être homme aussi lui poignait l’âme’.

—Leconte de Lisle (‘L’Holocauste’, Poèmes Tragiques.)

 
‘This appalling logic’, said to me on October 9, 1948, Mr Rudolf Grassot, Assistant Chief of the Information Office of the French occupier in Baden-Baden, speaking of our intellectual consistency, without suspecting, for a single moment, to whom he was talking about. I have retained these words, which flatter us, among some other tributes—always unintentional—from the adversary, in Europe or elsewhere.

Few things shock me about those mammals who profess to ‘think’ as much as the absence of logic. They even stress how their superiority is supposed to give them over living beings who, they believe, are devoid of it. It shocks me, because it is a lack of agreement between the thought and the life of the same individual, even between two or more aspects of his thought itself; because it is an internal contradiction, a negation of harmony, therefore weakness and ugliness. And the more the person with whom he meets is placed in the conventional hierarchy of ‘intellectuals’, that is to say, literate people, preferably with university degrees, or technicians coming out from some big school, the more this lack of discursive capacity shocks me. But I find it absolutely unbearable in anyone who proclaims himself to be both a Hitlerite and an adherent of some religious or philosophical doctrine visibly incompatible with Hitlerism.

Why is that? Why, for example, do the millions of people who say they ‘love animals’ and eat meat so as not to look ‘special’, seem to me less irritating than the tens of thousands who say they are both Hitlerites and Christians? Are the former less illogical than the latter? Of course not! But they form a majority that I know in advance is lying, and cowardly or weak, which is almost the same thing: a majority that, despite the few interesting individuals there, I have despised since my earliest childhood, and from whom I expect nothing.

Editor’s Note: Two of my sponsors who used to send me a modest monthly amount recently stopped doing so, and they didn’t tell me why. There are many occasions when an entry doesn’t get any comments, except that of a troll who is annoyed by our Christian-wise position (just as there are Jew-wise folk): comments that I don’t let pass.

White nationalism is a Jew-wise movement but extremely unwise on the Christian question. Being the only site dedicated to adding thoughtful articles on the CQ, I doubt that it will be possible for me to continue at the current rate of posts per week if I lose more sponsors. (Remember, for example, that this series is a translation of Savitri’s book in French.) I suspect I lose them because they dislike our paradigm shift: from JQ to CQ as the primary cause of Aryan decline. And this, although the CQ and the JQ are ultimately two sides of the same coin, as we have tried to show with the essay considered the masthead of The West’s Darkest Hour, that of Judea against Rome.

American white nationalism will remain a weak movement until it recognises the Christian question. I will continue to recognise it even if this uncompromising attitude ruins me financially (which is why I call myself a ‘priest’): something that would dramatically reduce the number of articles per week, as I would have to look for a regular job.

Savitri continues:

The latter are my brothers in the faith, or those whom I have hitherto believed to be such. They form an elite that I have loved and exalted because they wear, today as yesterday, the same sign as me—the eternal Swastika—and claim to have the same Master: an elite from whom I expected, as a matter of course, this perfect harmony of thought with itself and with life, that absolute logic that one of our enemies, without knowing me, described before me as ‘appalling’ on 9 October 1948, the forty-first anniversary of the birth of Horst Wessel.

Illogic is either stupidity or bad faith or compromise—stupidity, dishonesty or weakness. However, a Hitlerite cannot, by definition, be stupid, dishonest or weak. Anyone who is afflicted with any of these three disqualifications cannot be counted among the militant, hard and pure minority, dedicated body and soul to the struggle for the survival and the reign of the best—our struggle. Unfortunately, it has been necessary—and will be necessary for a long time yet if we want to act on the material level—to accept, if not the allegiance, at least the services of a crowd of people who, seen from the outside, appeared and sounded Hitlerites, but who were not and are not, could not and cannot be, precisely because of the lack of consistency inherent in their psychology.

What to do? They were and are—and will be for a long time to come—the numbers and the money, which no movement with a programme of action can entirely do without. They must be used, but without placing too much trust in them. You should not argue with them because if they are stupid, it is useless; if they behave in bad faith, neither is it. And if they are weak, the revelation of their inconsistency may have the opposite effect on them to that which one would have wished.

As soon as Hermann Rauschning realised that he could not be a Hitlerite and a Christian at the same time, he chose Christianity, and wrote the virulent book, Hitler Told Me, which the enemy hastened to translate into several languages. Less wise, he would never have realised it, and would have continued, like so many other brave average Christians, to lavish on the cause of Germany, and beyond it, the Aryan cause, all the service they could. Rauschning was one of those who should have been left to sleep.

So many asleep, or logically inconsistent, people are on the practical level more useful than we, the small core of uncompromising militants! In his letter of 26 June 1966, the late G.L. Rockwell, the leader of the American National Socialist Party[1] who was destined fourteen months later to fall to an assassin’s bullet, wrote to me, among other things:

An analysis of our income shows the incontrovertible fact that the vast majority of our money comes from devout Christians. People like you cannot send a cent, and more than likely need help yourself. This is meant as no insult, simply a dramatic example of exactly what I mean in terms of practical results, which is what I have aimed for, rather than the position of ivory tower philosopher.

In short, without ammunition, even the greatest general on earth would lose a war. And if the people who have a monopoly on the ammunition require me to say “abracadabra” three times every morning in order to get enough bullets to annihilate the enemy, then, by God, I will say “abracadabra” not three times, but nine times and most enthusiastically, regardless of whether it is nonsense, lies, or what it may be.

Once we have achieved power, it is an entirely different matter. However, I will point out that, even the Master Himself did not go overboard in the direction you indicate. There can be no question that He agreed with you—and with all really hard-core National Socialists. But He was also a realist and a damned SUCCESSFUL one at that.

Rockwell was replying to my letter of 26 April 1966, in which I had very frankly expressed my disappointment at reading some issues of the monthly Bulletin of the American National Socialist Party. (In one of these there were three symbols, side by side, in three rectangles, each with a word of explanation: a Christian cross, ‘Our Faith’!, a flag of the United States, ‘Our Country’, and finally, a swastika, ‘Our Race’.)

He was responding to my criticisms, my doctrinal intransigence, my demand for logic. And, from a practical point of view, he was a hundred times right. He who gives a hundred dollars to the NSWPP is certainly more useful than he who writes a hundred lines not of ‘propaganda’ (adapted to the immediate concerns and tastes of a majority of people at one point in time), but of truths; of propositions whose intrinsic value will be the same ten thousand years from now, and ten thousand times ten thousand years from now, and always, and which justify our struggle of yesterday, today and tomorrow.

But there is more. The man and woman of good Aryan blood who, alas, ardently hate both our Führer and ourselves but have a child destined to be, one day, one of us, are even more useful than the individual who gives our activists his financial support. Goebbels’ parents, who had no sympathy for the Hitler Movement, did more for it, simply by having this son, than did the German magnates who (without knowing more what they were doing than the ‘devout Christians’ of the USA whom Rockwell mentions in his letter) financed the National Socialists’ election campaigns from 1926 to 1933. In fact, each is useful in its own way. Moreover, there are services of such a different nature that they cannot be compared. Each has its value.

Nevertheless, I reread with pride the sentence that Rockwell wrote to me a little over a year before his tragic death: ‘the Master Himself [the Führer] did not go overboard in the direction you indicate. There can be no question that He agreed with you—and with all really hard-core National Socialists. But He was also a realist and a damned SUCCESSFUL one at that’, whereas I, his disciple, am not.

I am not a leader. And didn’t the Führer himself at times, by making some of his most far-reaching decisions, placed the appalling logic of our Weltanschauung above his immediate material success? What else did he do, for example, when he attacked Russia, the citadel of Marxism, on June 22, 1941? or already by refusing Molotoff’s proposals on November 11, 1940? (Exorbitant as these were, accepting them would have been, it seems, less tragic than risking war on two fronts).

__________

[1] The ANP, which later became the NSWPP (National Socialist White People’s Party).

Rosenberg on Christian subversion of NS

Translated from the original
Foreword of Blut und Ehre:

Born on January 12, 1893 in Reval, Alfred Rosenberg experienced as Baltic-German all the severe suffering of ethnic Germans and the Russian Revolution. To enlighten Germany about this and to help protect her against communism, at the end of 1918 Rosenberg went to Germany, was introduced to Adolf Hitler by Dietrich Eckart and joined him in 1919.

In 1921 he took over the Völkischer Beobachter [Folkish Observer]. Rosenberg marched with the Führer in Coburg in 1922 and the Feldherrnhalle in 1923. After November 9, 1923 he tried to hold together the movement’s remnants. When the Führer returned from Landsbergand he took over management of the Völkischer Beobachter and expanded it more and more in the following period until, after the victory, it became Germany’s largest newspaper.

When in 1930 the wish for an official NSDAP magazine became even stronger, Rosenberg created the Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte [The National Socialist Monthly]. In 1929 he founded the Kampfbund für deutsche Kultur [Fighting Federation for German Culture]. In 1930 Rosenberg became a member of the Reichstag and a representative of his faction for foreign affairs. Through trips and work, he became more and more immersed in questions of foreign affairs and presented the new foundations in this area. He was appointed in April 1933 chief of the Foreign Affairs Office of the NSDAP by Adolf Hitler and shortly thereafter Reichsleiter.

Alfred Rosenberg, in a certain sense, is the father of National Socialist literature. Already in 1919/20 he had published several writings about Bolshevism, Freemasonry and the Jewish Question and made the fight against international powers one of his main tasks. We find him as a domestic fighter in his little-noted book Thirty November Heads, which appeared in 1927. His 1930 fighting work The Swamp, one of the most valuable documents against the cultural decline of the post-war years, was on a similar level. Already in 1922 Rosenberg had published Nature: Principles and Goals of the NSDAP, the movement’s first publication! Later, he gave the movement two of its most basic writings: Future Path of German Foreign Policy and The Structure of National Socialism.

His main work, however, is The Myth of the Twentieth Century, which in 1923 experienced huge press popularity. Hanns Johst wrote: ‘I am often asked about the principles of National Socialism. Here is the work in which the manifestation of these principles is achieved…’ [Pages 7-8. The following is taken from pages 36-43 of the English translation.]

 

The ‘Centre’ and ‘Christian Folk Service’ parties

Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte [The National Socialist Monthly], April 1931:

The relationship between National Socialism and religion has been an issue since the appearance of the NSDAP. Adolf Hitler took the standpoint of a statesman from the beginning. He views the existence of various religious denominations as given and wants to keep the political movement out of the religious fighting. One should think that it would be agreeable to every Christian denomination to see the emergence of a worker movement that energetically combats soul-killing, atheistic Marxism and takes up an idealistic idea against our time’s rule by Mammon and, like Jesus, swings the whip against the money-changers and traders.

But the opposite has happened. Precisely the party that has claimed to practice Christian politics picked up a fight against National Socialism and put itself on the side of a Social Democracy hostile to any religion. That party formed coalitions with the purpose to annihilate the German workers’ movement and supported those powers that, for years, have financed the leave-the-church movement. After such a coalition this propaganda has not ceased.

Something was just as hated by Marxism as by the Centre: the conscious folk-feeling and the call to a Germanic morality-feeling, as can be read in our party program, paragraph 24. At Catholic Days, which represent Centre meetings (Contance 1923), German nationalism was presented as ‘the greatest heresy’ and bishop Mainz and cardinal Faulhaber competed in the condemnation of this ‘new heathenism’. As church princes, they banned membership in the NSDAP; yes, sometimes even excluded Catholic National Socialists from the sacraments.

In the process they referred to the Catholic doctrine. What is bizarre is that, in strictly Catholic Italy, the most extreme nationalism has become a state government and the Pope, who for decades has refused any reconciliation with liberalism, is now in peace with the leader of this growing nationalism. The Pope even called Mussolini a ‘man of Providence’ after the signing of the Lateran Pact. From Italy’s church organs we can now hear, even more frequently, the king’s hymn. And of the cardinals of Italian descent it is said that, under the purple, they wear the black-shirt of fascism.

The German folk now claims nothing more than it should be granted the same right to national pride; the right to erect a real national state based on its character. If, in face of the no longer contested Italian facts, this is contested based on the ‘Catholic doctrine’ by church princes there are two possibilities: either there are two Catholic doctrines, or the faith of the Catholic masses is being intentionally misled for the achievement of political goals.

______ 卐 ______

Editor’s Note: Since this article of The National Socialist Monthly was addressed to the Christian masses, Rosenberg fails to say the obvious. Remember Hitler’s words in Mein Kampf:

We have to distinguish between the state as a vessel and the race as the content. This vessel only makes sense if it is able to preserve and protect its contents; otherwise it is worthless.

This week, commenting on the above quotable quote, Krist Krusher said: ‘This is why all self-proclaimed National Socialists should never think of Hitlerism as being nothing more than “German Fascism”. As Fascism is built entirely from the State, it always thought of race as secondary. It is about as removed from us as Marxism in this regard’.

______ 卐 ______

Since we can dismiss the first possibility (the Roman church has only one leader), only the second remains. The Centre accepts Zionists and chairmen of Jewish cultural communities as Reichstag candidates. It even allows Protestants as members without influence, but is nonetheless a strictly Catholic denomination party. Just as Marxism wants to eternalise the nation’s split through the doctrine of social class struggle, has the Centre declared against the German nation the denominational class struggle and has carried the spiritual, religious struggle into the sphere of power politics. And just as the Social Democrat only has an eye on his class, so does the Centre leader only has his denomination’s interests.

This party lives from conflict. Hence the NSDAP was hated most deeply from the first day because religious tolerance inside the party was practically carried out in an exemplary manner. Religious differences of opinion and philosophical competitions had to be carried out outside the party organisation. As soon as it assembled, as soon as the SA put on its brown-shirt, they were no longer any Catholics and Protestants but Germans fighting for the existence and honour of their folk. No co-worker of the NSDAP is asked whether he belongs to the Deutsch Kirche [German Church] or if he is Reformierter [a member of the Evangelical Reformed Church in Germany]. Only the achievement in the service of German freedom is pivotal. The deep wounds of the Thirty Years War were finally healed in the National Socialist movement, just like the wounds of the Marxist and bourgeois class conflict began to scar. Then there arose the concentrated struggle of all those political upstarts who want to suck the blood for their parasitic existence from the wounds of their folk. The Marxists screamed ‘capitalist lackeys’; the bourgeois leaders lamented ‘National-Bolsheviks’, and the Centre cried ‘enemies of any religion’.

Never have religious feelings been treated so unscrupulously by the Centre and the political prelates directing it, and it was one issue at which the zealous dialecticians aimed. As stated above, it is claimed that National Socialism is not a common political party, rather a worldview (emphasis by Editor. Remember Savitri Devi’s words: ‘it is the enemies of Hitlerism, and in particular the Jews, and intelligent Christians, who have understood this best). To solidify the struggle against German nationalism, the Centre points to our worldview and declares it a ‘heathen, anti-Catholic race idolization’. We can reply that race science determined the diverseness and diverse value of the races, similar to how one makes discoveries in the field of chemistry. Such a discovery cannot be combated by any kinds of dogmas and excommunications, and many times the church has had to bow to the facts.

When Copernicus presented the heliocentric doctrine, when the flat Earth with heaven above and hell below suddenly became a sphere hovering in space, the whole world of dogma rebelled against this new doctrine. Until 1827 (!) all works that taught this solar system stood in the Index. Copernicus’ worldview also produced a different worldview than the biblical one, a different look at the world, but this discovery in no way damaged genuine religion, which stems from man’s soul. The Roman and Protestant churches (Martin Luther called Copernicus a swindler and deceiver) needed three hundred years to adapt to the new world image, and they had to bow before it despite everything.

Another example is provided by the treatment of our mother tongue. Someone demanded exclusive use of the heathen Latin (here the expression is appropriate). Meister Eckart encountered much hostility when he preferred the German language, but the whole German folk owe to the ‘heretic’ Luther the High German language uniting the nation. But it stood in the statutes of the Jesuit Order that use of the mother tongue in all matters relating to school would be never allowed. In 1830 the order saw itself compelled to at least allow the mother tongue for poetry, when Goethe stood at the end of his life’s work! And the very well known Jesuit Father Duhr affirmed: ‘This remains a principle: the practice of the mother tongue is recommendable, but it should not be turned into its school subject’. The persecution of the dearest thing that a folk calls its own has been overcome; today the Catholic Church often stands up for the mother tongue in upholding the interests of its faithful.

It is now quite similar to race science regarding religion. The verdict of a bishop or cardinal or even the Pope on race is, in this case, a completely private opinion about the biological problem or the political problem based on it, which stands outside purely religious authority that the devote Catholic grants him. A dogmatic excommunication can no longer nullify a natural scientific discovery.

In the Middles Ages, researchers were burned as sorcerers. Today, the Vatican builds a radio station that Torquemada would have certainly cursed as devil’s work. Thus the struggle against race science is not religious, rather a struggle of the politically interested that previously gathered their followers around themselves on a different basis. An anathema against blood consciousness will be overcome for the same reason that one had to acknowledge Copernicus, and it represents a historical irony that one of the finest researchers of the laws of genetics was the Catholic Father Gregor Mendel.

We can conclude that worldview and religion are not the same. A worldview can exist outside religion (atomic world explanation, naturalist monism), but it can also include religion. The National Socialist movement is a folk movement about a new and yet ancient, firmly founded worldview of the value of blood. It wants to protect healthy, good blood. Regardless of whether one wants to call this God’s creation or Nature’s iron rule, in both cases National Socialism serves a constructive principle under a fundamental religious disposition. The political battle movement leaves the most thorny questions about God and immortality, fate and mercy to the individual personality for decision. They may seek their comforters and spiritual counsellors, whom they require for the development of their inner life. (Editor’s Note: On this point the Christians, not Rosenberg, were right. NS is, in fact, the new paradigm that comes to replace the old one. This is why American white nationalists, more Christian than Nazis, don’t honour the memory of the Führer every April 20th.)

The opponents of the German essence in Bavaria, Silesia and the Rhine lower themselves in their hatred when criticising paragraph 24 of the National Socialist program by claiming that no special ‘Germanic moral feeling’ exists that could be viewed as the measure of action. This means a quite intentional denial of German cultural awareness and a terrible disregard of the value of our ancestors. For without the characteristic prerequisites of the Germanic man for the creation of state and society, Germany as a life form would not have emerged at all. Without her energy and her will the soil itself would not have been conquered, upon which today live those who have been the beneficiaries of this colonising but are inwardly alienated from the founders of their prosperity, and the freedom of the state structure.

And if the state-building character has already been a part of Germanic morality, that has so mightily revealed itself in life and the art, a brazenness without equal would be necessary to equate the Hottentot or Jew with Germanic essence. When, for example, the Vandal Stilicho became Rome’s regent, one of his first acts consisted of banning the gladiator fighting: that most terrible symbol of a decadent, animalised world, which had adopted those horrible games from the Middle Eastern Etruscans. Later, the Eastern Goth Theodorich did the same, replacing the gladiator massacre with knight tournaments. And without falling into a one-sided deification of Germanic man one may probably say that the Gudrunlied, the high song of a proud woman, corresponds to the most beautiful emotional yearning, as well as Siegfried’s generous figure. Even in Hagen it sparkles reconciliation from the depth of something unconditional, the loyalty to the king.

Germanic morality that was true to itself wanted to account for nature and the cosmos. From this yearning were born the mystics and the great researchers of nature down to Immanuel Kant’s noble doctrine of duty. (Editor’s Note: This is another mistake common among German nationalists. Kant’s influence—sneaking in the house the Jewish god through the back door after the French Enlightenment expelled it from the front door—was terrible for the German Enlightenment.) And in German music the same world-overcoming life developed, so that the denial of this Germanic-German [germanisch-deutsche] value means an attack to annihilate the world-shaping German soul. That such a denial could be openly expressed shows the deep decline that Germany as folk has suffered. It also shows the necessity of a general folk resistance, without difference of religious denomination, against a dynamics at whose end stands race chaos: psychological decline and then political decline of the German nation.

If it is now brazenly declared by the Centre that National Socialism is preparing a new ‘cultural struggle’, a government persecution of the Catholic church, that is an agitation lie of the worst sort. Whatever a National Socialist may think about this or that religious dogma, it has always rejected any political intercession against a denomination and will hold to that in the future. And it has proven that policy through the deed. The Centre has done the opposite. It has given lip-service support to Catholic dogmas but through its alliances with the Marxists it accepts the possibility of uninhibited atheist propaganda and thereby assistance to overall Bolshevization. The prerequisite for a religious renewal is hence the annihilation of Marxism and the beating down of the Centre as long as in practice it broadly nurtures Marxism.

On the Protestant side, similarly oriented political opportunities have watched the anti-Marxist movement grow. The Protestants have now founded a denominational party similar to the Centre: the Christian Folk Service. National Socialism takes the same position toward this ‘evangelical’ foundation as to the ‘Catholic’ Centre. The success of the Folk Service will degrade the Germans’ struggle for liberation to a denominational quarrel, and force the struggle to a level that must stand outside the great political battle of all. The first thing, by the way, that the Reichstag delegates of these ‘evangelicals’ did, was to vote against the candidate of the Nationalist opposition for the post of Reichstag President. They preferred, together with the Centre, to give their vote to the champion of conscientious objectors, the leftist Social Democrat Paul Loebe. Here, once more, we see a downright betrayal to both the Nationalist and the Christian idea.

Given this treasonous bearing, influenced by Marxist thought and political representatives of both denominations, it is no wonder, if the movement that leaves the church grows, that the sects of Adventists, First Bible Researchers, and the Communist International of the godless prepares the organised destruction of all religious values. The NSDAP has acted against these folk-destructive forces as well (in Munich rallies of the ‘Bible Researchers’ were only banned after clear words on our side by the government of the Bavarian Folk Party). But the the spread of all these currents shows the weakness of the inner persuasiveness of both the Catholic as well as the Protestant church.

To evaluate the deeper worldview causes that may exist here lies outside the NSDAP’s area of competency. Some believe it is imperative duty to push the clerics into the political party fight. Already Bismarck scolded Stoecker that he, as an active preacher, wanted to be a political leader based on the instinct that invariably a national policy would become subjected to denominational considerations, especially since the psyche of the spiritual counsellor and the political leader cannot be organically united. Today in Germany we stand anew before the fact that a party, the whole Centre, stands under purely clerical leadership. The party chairman of the Centre and its Foreign Affairs Politician (with the Prelate Ulitzka) is the Papal House Prelate Dr Kaas. The actual chief of the Bavarian Folk Party is the leader of the Landtag faction in the Bavarian Cathedral, the Provost Wohlmuth: leader of the Reichstag faction of this party and also its foreign affairs spokesman, Prelate Leicht. Thus, Catholic priests work in the foremost battle-line for the Centre (they simply forbid patriotic clerics such as Abbott Schachleitner, Doctor of Theology, from speaking). And if, in opposition to the folk-destructive Centre policy, one also fights in the form of rejection of the leaders, they call it insulting priests.

The folk see this everywhere and here lies a reason why antireligious criticism falls on fertile soil. The task of the gentlemen of the Centre clerics does not lie in giving Catholic lip service in folk assemblies to share the political spoils with atheist Marxist partners; rather, to leave the political arena and become again spiritual counsellors. Today the nation needs comforters of the human soul more than ever, but it must be noted that the hate-filled Centre spirit has penetrated even those circles that do not stand out politically. For example, a Bavarian pastor from the pulpit openly defamed Adolf Hitler saying he had spat out a consecrated wafer. Indicted and convicted of defamation, the pastor was nonetheless acquitted. In the confessional, children are forbidden under threat of harsh punishments and the torments of hell to visit National Socialist meetings or reading the Völkischer Beobachter. Women are told they must deny their husbands marital rights in the event they do not vote for the Centre, etcetera. All that—in connection with terrible harassment against clerics who do not agitate for the Centre—outrages the healthy folk, which increasingly slips away from the spiritual counsellor.

A recovery in religious life will not come until the priest reflects on his actual office and obeys the decree of his chief leader, and the same is true about the evangelicals. The most beautiful cultural blossoming of Protestantism was doubtlessly the evangelical pastor’s house in small towns and villages. But here, too, the metropolis intervened, agitating nerves, and awakened wishes which would have otherwise turned the energies away from the direction of a purely spiritual counsellor. Here, too, the cleric, as long as he works as such, should disappear from the parliament tribunes and the political folk assembly.

We wish hereby to restrict neither the Evangelical nor the Catholic cleric in his life energy. But he should treat the common national culture from the pulpit and in a form such as his office is intended. Here lie the great possibilities for effectiveness; here alone lies the lever to deepen and renew religious life. It is as unnatural if the cleric becomes parliamentarian as if a statesman wanted to set himself on the confessional seat. In the organically based separation of these social spheres lies the prerequisite of a new, spiritually healthy construction of Germany.

______ 卐 ______

Editor’s Note: But the Christians triumphed after the war. The first time in my life I visited Germany, in 1982, I was truly shocked to see handsome Aryans bending the knee before the Jewish god in a big church.

I never saw a swastika.

White nationalists still ignore that the JQ and the CQ are the same.

Religious aspects of National Socialism

In the previous post today, I quoted a commenter who explained why the bulk of white nationalists in America don’t admire Hitler. His comment resulted in a sort of eureka moment for me as to solving another mystery: why these nationalists don’t have ‘pagan’ William Pierce’s Who We Are as their leading bestseller.

The sad answer is that these nationalists sold their souls to the devil: Judeo-Christianity, even those secular nationalists who refuse to place their parents’ religion on the bench of the accused.

It’s worth rephrasing what the Wikipedia article, ‘Religious aspects of Nazism’, says, purging from it of all anti-white crap that that damned online encyclopaedia promulgates, and adding some observations of my own:

Historians, political scientists and philosophers have studied National Socialism with a specific focus on its religious aspects.

Among the writers who alluded before 1980 to the religious aspects of National Socialism are Albert Camus, Romano Guardini, Denis de Rougemont, Eric Voegelin, Klaus Vondung and Friedrich Heer. Voegelin’s work on political religion was first published in German in 1938. The French author and philosopher Albert Camus made some remarks about National Socialism as a religion and about Adolf Hitler in particular in L’Homme révolté.

Outside a purely academic discourse, public interest mainly concerns the relationship between National Socialism and Occultism, and between National Socialism and Christianity. The persistent idea that the National Socialists were directed by occult agencies has been dismissed by historians as modern cryptohistory. The interest in the second relationship is obvious from the debate about Adolf Hitler’s religious views—specifically, whether he was a Christian or not.
 

National Socialism and occultism

There are many works that speculate about National Socialism and occultism, the most prominent being The Morning of the Magicians (1960) and The Spear of Destiny (1972). From the perspective of academic history, however, most of these works are ‘cryptohistory’. Academic historians did not consider the question until the 1980s. Due to the popular literature on the topic, National Socialist black magic was regarded as a topic for authors in pursuit of strong sales. In the 1980s, however, two Ph.D. theses were written about the topic. Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke published The Occult Roots of National Socialism (1985) based on his thesis, and the German librarian and historian Ulrich Hunger’s thesis on rune-lore in National Socialist Germany (Die Runenkunde im Dritten Reich) was published in the series Europäische Hochschulschriften.

Goodrick-Clarke’s book is not only considered without exception to be the pioneering work on Ariosophy, but also the definitive book on the topic. The term ‘Ariosophy’ refers to an esoteric movement in Germany and Austria of the 1900s to 1930s. It clearly falls under Goodrick-Clarke’s definition of occultism, as it obviously drew on the western esoteric tradition. Ideologically, it was remarkably similar to National Socialism. According to Goodrick-Clarke, the Ariosophists wove occult ideas into the völkisch ideology that existed in Germany and Austria at the time. Ariosophy shared the racial awareness of völkisch ideology, but also drew upon a notion of root races, postulating locations such as Atlantis, Thule and Hyperborea as the original homeland of the Aryan race (and its purest branch, the Teutons or Germanic peoples).

The Ariosophic writings described a glorious ancient Germanic past, in which an elitist priesthood ‘expounded occult-racist doctrines and ruled over a superior and racially pure society’. The downfall of this hypothesised golden age was explained as the result of the interbreeding between the master race and the untermenschen (lesser races). With the exception of Karl Maria Wiligut, Goodrick-Clarke has not found evidence that prominent Ariosophists directly influenced National Socialism.

But Goodrick-Clarke considers the National Socialist crusade as ‘essentially religious’. His follow-up book Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric National Socialism and the Politics of Identity examined ‘ariosophic’ ideas after 1945 and ‘neo-völkisch movements’.

 
National Socialism and Christianity

After National Socialist Germany had surrendered in World War II, the US Office of Strategic Services published a report on the National Socialist Master Plan of the Persecution of the Christian Churches. Historians and theologians generally agree about the National Socialist policy towards religion, that the objective was to remove explicitly Jewish content from the Bible (i.e., the Old Testament, the Gospel of Matthew, and the Pauline Epistles), transforming the Christian faith into a new religion, completely cleansed from any Jewish element and conciliate it with National Socialism, Völkisch ideology and Führerprinzip: a religion called ‘Positive Christianity’.

This, of course, was tried before, back in… 144 C.E.! Marcionism depicted the God of the Old Testament as a tyrant or demiurge. Marcion’s canon, the first Christian canon ever compiled, consisted of eleven books: a gospel, which was a form of the Gospel of Luke; and ten Pauline epistles. Marcion’s canon rejected the entire Old Testament, along with all other epistles and gospels. In my opinion, NS Positive Christians failed in this. It was a good try but ultimately it is impossible to combine water with oil. It is a very explainable mistake in the recent nation that had just awakened to the most elemental racialism.

Alfred Rosenberg was influential in the development of Positive Christianity. In The Myth of the Twentieth Century he wrote that:

  • Saint Paul was responsible for the destruction of the racial values from Greek and Roman culture;
  • the dogma of hell advanced in the Middle Ages destroyed the free Nordic spirit;

This is absolutely pivotal to understand white demoralisation (and it is a pity that our site is the only racialist site which has accused this doctrine of the havoc it caused among us)!

  • original sin and grace are Oriental ideas that corrupt the purity and strength of Nordic blood;
  • the Old Testament and the Jewish race are not an exception and one should return to the Nordic peoples’ fables and legends;
  • Jesus was not Jewish, but had Nordic blood from his Amorite ancestors.

The latter point of course was another mistake. Neither Rosenberg nor Hitler or anyone at the top of the elites knew that Jesus didn’t even exist. Only recent scholarship has debunked the idea that Jesus, even an all-too human Jesus, existed (read, e.g., this book).

The National Socialist Party program of 1920 included a statement on religion as point 24. In this statement, the National Socialist party demands freedom of religion (for all religious denominations that are not opposed to the customs and moral sentiments of the Germanic race). Also, the paragraph proclaims the party’s endorsement of Positive Christianity. Historians have described this statement as ‘a tactical measure, cleverly left undefined in order to accommodate a broad range of meanings’, and an ‘ambiguous phraseology’.

This is a topic of some controversy. John S. Conway holds that The Holy Reich has broken new ground in the examination of the relation between National Socialism and Christianity, despite his view that ‘National Socialism and Christianity were incompatible’. The National Socialists were aided by theologians, such as Dr. Ernst Bergmann, who committed suicide after the Allied forces captured Leipzig. Bergmann, in his work, Die 25 Thesen der Deutschreligion (Twenty-five Points of the German Religion), expounded the theory that the Old Testament and portions of the New Testament of the Bible were inaccurate. He proposed that Jesus was of Aryan origin, and that Adolf Hitler was the new messiah.

 
Religious beliefs of leading National Socialists

Within a large movement like National Socialism, it may not be especially shocking to discover that individuals could embrace different ideological systems that would seem to be polar opposites. The religious beliefs of even the leading National Socialists diverged strongly.

The difficulty for historians lies in the task of evaluating not only the public, but also the private statements of the National Socialist politicians. Steigmann-Gall, who intended to do this in his study, points to such people as Erich Koch (who was not only Gauleiter of East Prussia and Reichskomissar for the Ukraine, but also the elected praeses of the East Prussian provincial synod of the Evangelical Church of the old-Prussian Union), and Bernhard Rust, as examples of National Socialist politicians who also professed to be Christian in private.

 
Adolf Hitler’s religious views

Adolf Hitler’s religious beliefs have been a matter of debate; the wide consensus of historians consider him to have been irreligious, anti-Christian and anti-clerical. In light of evidence such as his fierce criticism and vocal rejection of the tenets of Christianity, numerous private statements to confidants denouncing Christianity as a harmful superstition, and his strenuous efforts to reduce the influence and independence of Christianity in Germany after he came to power, Hitler’s major academic biographers conclude that he was irreligious and an opponent of Christianity.

Historian Laurence Rees found no evidence that ‘Hitler, in his personal life, ever expressed belief in the basic tenets of the Christian church’. Ernst Hanfstaengl, a friend from his early days in politics, says Hitler ‘was to all intents and purposes an atheist by the time I got to know him’. However, historians such as Richard Weikart and Alan Bullock doubt the assessment that he was a true atheist, suggesting that despite his dislike of Christianity he still clung to a form of spiritual belief.

Hitler was born to a practising Catholic mother, and was baptised into the Roman Catholic Church. From a young age, he expressed disbelief and hostility to Christianity. But in 1904, acquiescing to his mother’s wish, he was confirmed at the Roman Catholic Cathedral in Linz, Austria, where the family lived. According to John Willard Toland, witnesses indicate that Hitler’s confirmation sponsor had to ‘drag the words out of him almost as though the whole confirmation was repugnant to him’. Rissmann notes that, according to several witnesses who lived with Hitler in a men’s home in Vienna, Hitler never again attended Mass or received the sacraments after leaving home. Several eyewitnesses who lived with Hitler while he was in his late teens and early-to-mid 20s in Vienna state that he never attended church after leaving home at eighteen.

Nonetheless, in Hitler’s early political statements he attempted to express himself to the German public as a Christian. In his book Mein Kampf and in public speeches prior to and in the early years of his rule, he described himself as a Christian.

As we have seen, the National Socialist party promoted Positive Christianity, a movement which rejected most traditional Christian doctrines such as the divinity of Jesus, as well as Jewish elements such as the Old Testament. From this angle, contemporary Christian nationalists in the US are a century behind compared to Nazi Germany! Consider, for example, how the administrators of Occidental Dissent and The Daily Stormer still subscribe to traditional Christianity, not even to a sort of Positive Christianity (as Hitler said, America is Judaised and negrified to the core).

In one widely quoted remark, Hitler described Jesus as an ‘Aryan fighter’ who struggled against ‘the power and pretensions of the corrupt Pharisees’ and Jewish materialism. While a small minority of historians accept these publicly stated views as genuine expressions of his spirituality, the vast majority believe that Hitler was sceptical of religion and anti-Christian, but recognised that he could only be elected and preserve his political power if he feigned a commitment to and belief in Christianity, which the overwhelming majority of Germans believed in.

Privately, Hitler repeatedly deprecated Christianity, and told confidants that his reluctance to make public attacks on the Church was not a matter of principle, but a pragmatic political move. In his private diaries, Goebbels wrote in April 1941 that though Hitler was ‘a fierce opponent’ of the Vatican and Christianity, ‘he forbids me to leave the church. For tactical reasons’.

Hitler’s remarks to confidants, as described in the Goebbels Diaries, the memoirs of Albert Speer, and transcripts of Hitler’s private conversations recorded by Martin Bormann in Hitler’s Table Talk, are further evidence of his irreligious and anti-Christian beliefs; these sources record a number of private remarks in which Hitler ridicules Christian doctrine as absurd, contrary to scientific advancement, and socially destructive.

Once in office, Hitler and his regime sought to reduce the influence of Christianity on society. From the mid-1930s, his government was increasingly dominated by militant anti-church proponents like Goebbels, Bormann, Himmler, Rosenberg and Heydrich whom Hitler appointed to key posts. These anti-church radicals were generally permitted or encouraged to perpetrate the National Socialist persecutions of the churches. The regime launched an effort toward coordination of German Protestants under a unified Protestant Reich Church (but this was resisted by the Confessing Church), and moved early to eliminate political Catholicism. Hitler agreed to the Reich concordat with the Vatican, but then routinely ignored it, and permitted persecutions of the Catholic Church.

Jehovah’s Witnesses were ruthlessly persecuted for refusing both military service and allegiance to Hitler’s movement. Hitler said he anticipated a coming collapse of Christianity in the wake of scientific advances, and that National Socialism and religion could not co-exist long term. Although he was prepared to delay conflicts for political reasons, historians conclude that he ultimately intended the destruction of Christianity in Germany, or at least its distortion or subjugation to a National Socialist outlook.
 

Rudolf Hess

According to Goodrick-Clarke, Rudolf Hess had been a member of the Thule Society before attaining prominence in the National Socialist party. As Adolf Hitler’s official deputy, Hess had also been attracted to and influenced by the biodynamic agriculture of Rudolf Steiner and Anthroposophy. In the wake of his flight to Scotland, Reinhard Heydrich, the head of the security police, banned lodge organizations and esoteric groups on 9 June 1941.

The Thule Society took its name from Thule, an alleged lost land. Sebottendorff identified Ultima Thule as Iceland. In The Myth of the Twentieth Century, the most important National Socialist book after Mein Kampf, Alfred Rosenberg referred to Atlantis as a lost land or at least to an Aryan cultural center. Since Rosenberg had attended meetings of the Thule Society, he might have been familiar with the occult speculation about lost lands; however, according to Lutzhöft (1971), Rosenberg drew on the work of Herman Wirth. The attribution of the Urheimat of the Nordic race to a deluged land was very appealing at that time.
 

Heinrich Himmler

Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler: ‘We believe in a God Almighty who stands above us; he has created the earth, the Fatherland, and the Volk, and he has sent us the Führer. Any human being who does not believe in God should be considered arrogant, megalomaniacal, and stupid and thus not suited for the SS’.

This of course was Himmler’s blunder, as theistic visions of the providence stem from monotheistic Judaism. Also, from my point of view, a personal god—i.e., the mythical Judeo-Christian god—should be written thus: (((God))).

On the other hand, credited retrospectively with being the founder of ‘Esoteric Hitlerism’, and certainly a figure of major importance for the officially sanctioned research and practice of mysticism by a National Socialist elite, Heinrich Himmler, more than any other high official in the Third Reich (including Hitler) was fascinated by pan-Aryan (i.e., broader than Germanic) racialism. Himmler’s capacity for rational planning was accompanied by an enthusiasm for the utopian, the romantic and even the occult. Although Himmler did not have any contact with the Thule Society, he possessed more occult tendencies than any other National Socialist leader. The German journalist and historian Heinz Höhne, an authority on the SS, explicitly describes Himmler’s views about reincarnation as occultism.

The historic example which Himmler used in practice as the model for the SS was the Society of Jesus, since Himmler found in the Jesuits what he perceived to be the core element of any order, the doctrine of obedience and the cult of the organisation. The evidence for this largely rests on a statement from Walter Schellenberg in his memoirs (Cologne, 1956, p. 39), but Hitler is also said to have called Himmler ‘my Ignatius of Loyola’. As an order, the SS needed a coherent doctrine that would set it apart. Himmler attempted to construct such an ideology, and to this purpose he deduced a Germanic tradition from history.

In a 1936 memorandum, Himmler set forth a list of approved holidays based on pagan and political precedents and meant to wean SS members from their reliance on Christian festivities. The Winter Solstice, or Yuletide, was the climax of the year. It brought SS folk together at candlelit banquet tables and around raging bonfires that harked back to German tribal rites.

The Allach Julleuchter (Yule light) was made as a presentation piece for SS officers to celebrate the winter solstice. It was later given to all SS members on the same occasion, December 21. Made of unglazed stoneware, the Julleuchter was decorated with early pagan Germanic symbols. Himmler said, ‘I would have every family of a married SS man to be in possession of a Julleuchter. Even the wife will, when she has left the myths of the church find something else which her heart and mind can embrace’.

Only adherents of theories of National Socialist occultism or the few former SS members who were, after the war, participants in the Landig Group in Vienna would claim that the cultic activities within the SS would amount to its own mystical religion. At the time of his death in 1986, Rudolf J. Mund was working on a book on the Germanic ‘original race-cult religion’. However, what was indoctrinated into the SS is not known in detail.
 

National Socialist archaeology

In 1935 Himmler, along with Richard Walther Darré, established the Ahnenerbe. At first independent, it became the ancestral heritage branch of the SS. Headed by Dr. Hermann Wirth, it was dedicated primarily to archaeological research, but it was also involved in proving the superiority of the ‘Aryan race’.

A great deal of time and resources were spent on researching or creating a popularly accepted historical, cultural and scientific background so the ideas about a superior Aryan race could be publicly accepted. For example, an expedition to Tibet was organised to search for the origins of the Aryan race. To this end, the expedition leader, Ernst Schäfer, had his anthropologist Bruno Beger make face masks and skull and nose measurements. Another expedition was sent to the Andes.

When I lived in Gran Canaria, an island off Africa, a Spanish woman told me that Himmler’s researchers had much interest in researching the Nordic aboriginals of the Canary islands: blonder and lighter than the Spaniards themselves.

 
Das Schwarze Korps

The official newspaper of SS was Das Schwarze Korps (‘The Black Corps’), published weekly from 1935 to 1945. In its first issue, the newspaper published an article on the origins of the Nordic race, hypothesising a location near the North Pole similar to the theory of Hermann Wirth (but not mentioning Atlantis).

Also in 1935, the SS journal commissioned a Professor of Germanic History, Heinar Schilling, to prepare a series of articles on ancient Germanic life. As a result, a book containing these articles and entitled Germanisches Leben was published by Koehler & Amelung of Leipzig with the approval of the SS and Reich Government in 1937. Three chapters dealt with the religion of the German people over three periods: Nature worship and the cult of the ancestors, the sun religion of the Late Bronze Age, and the cult of the gods.

According to Heinar Schilling, the Germanic peoples of the Late Bronze Age had adopted a four-spoke wheel as symbolic of the sun ‘and this symbol has been developed into the modern swastika of our own society [NS Germany] which represents the sun’. Under the sign of the swastika ‘the light bringers of the Nordic race overran the lands of the dark inferior races, and it was no coincidence that the most powerful expression of the Nordic world was found in the sign of the swastika’.

Very little had been preserved of the ancient rites, Professor Schilling continued, but it was a striking fact ‘that in many German Gaue today on Sonnenwendtage (solstice days) burning sun wheels are rolled from mountain tops down into the valleys below, and almost everywhere the Sonnenwendfeuer (solstice fires) burn on those days’. He concluded by saying that ‘The Sun is the All-Highest to the Children of the Earth’.
 

SS-Castle Wewelsburg

Himmler has been claimed to have considered himself the spiritual successor or even reincarnation of Heinrich the Fowler, having established special SS rituals for the old king and having returned his bones to the crypt at Quedlinburg Cathedral. Himmler even had his personal quarters at Wewelsburg castle decorated in commemoration of Heinrich the Fowler. The way the SS redesigned the castle referred to certain characters in the Grail-mythos (cf. what I’ve said on this site about Wagner’s Parsifal).

Himmler had visited the Wewelsburg on 3 November 1933 and April 1934; the SS took official possession of it in August 1934. The occultist Karl Maria Wiligut (known in the SS under the pseudonym ‘Weisthor’) accompanied Himmler on his visits to the castle. Initially, the Wewelsburg was intended to be a museum and officer’s college for ideological education within the SS, but it was subsequently placed under the direct control of the office of the Reichsführer SS (Himmler) in February 1935. The impetus for the change of the conception most likely came from Wiligut.

A new religion for whites, 2

by Kevin Alfred Strom

This week we continue our exploration of the evolution of religion and religious thought in National Socialist Germany. With profounder ideals and a stronger will than any other leadership structure of any other society for thousands of years at least, Germany ultimately sought to spiritually shepherd the unique expression of the Life Force and the growing consciousness that is our race through the dangers of the 20th century and beyond. Those dangers include 1) being trapped in an earth-bound Semitic creed designed to ensnare us in universalism, weakness, and worship of our enemies; 2) rejecting that Semitic creed in favor of an atheistic materialism and individualism that destroys our ability to grow and act as a natural biological and spiritual community; and 3) rejecting that Semitic creed in favor of the equally alien, spiritually empty, and equally debilitating equalitarian creed of Marxism.

We’ll be hearing of this spiritual evolution in the words of National Socialist writer Savitri Devi, from her “National Socialism and Neo-Paganism,” an excerpt from her book Gold in the Furnace, most of which was written while she was imprisoned for her ideas in postwar Germany.
 

Munich theatre decorated for a “Day of German Art and Music” celebration during the National Socialist period: Can anyone
doubt that a new spirituality was being developed here?

 

National Socialism and Neo-Paganism, part 2

by Savitri Devi

The same inspiration—the same quest of the eternal Aryan faith under its present-day Germanic form—fills Johann von Leers’ History on a Racial Basis which I mentioned. There too one finds, applied to the domain of religion and culture, that passionate assertion of the rights of the Aryan North which constitutes, perhaps, the most characteristic feature of National Socialism on the political plane. For a political awakening of the type that Adolf Hitler provoked, stirring a whole nation to its depth, cannot go without a parallel awakening in all fields of life, especially in that of culture and religion—of thought, generally speaking. There too, one finds—based this time upon the extensive researches of Hermann Wirth in ancient lore—a protest against the idea, current in all the Judeo-Christian world, that the old Aryan North was something “primitive” and “barbarous”; and a vision of the future in which Germany in particular and the Aryan race at large will rise again to unprecedented greatness, having re-discovered their glorious, eternal collective Self. The passage of Johann von Leers’ book which comes a few pages after his tribute to Hitler as “the greatest regenerator of the people for thousands of years” is worth quoting in extenso:

After a period of decadence and race-obliteration we are now coming to a period of purification and development which will decide a new epoch in the history of the world. If we look back on the thousands of years behind us, we find that we have arrived again near the great and eternal order experienced by our forefathers. World history does not go forward in a straight line, but moves in curves. From the summit of the original Nordic culture in the Stone Age, we have passed through the deep valleys of centuries of decadence, only to rise once more to a new height. This height will not be lesser than the one once abandoned, but greater, and that, not only in the external goods of life…. We did not pass through the great spiritual death of the capitalistic period in order to be extinguished. We suffered it in order to rise again under the Sign that never yet failed us, the Cross of the great Stone Age, the ancient and most sacred Swastika.

The form and particulars of a modern Aryan religion destined to rule consciences in the place of obsolete Christianity are not yet laid out—and how could they be? But the necessity of such a religion could not be more strongly felt and expressed; and its spirit and main features are already defined. It is the healthy religion of joy and power—and beauty—which I have tried to suggest in the beginning of this book. In other words, it is the eternal aspect of National Socialism itself or (which means the same) National Socialism extended to the highest sphere of life.

I have previously recalled the Führer’s words of wisdom concerning the growth of a new religion, better adapted than Christianity to the requirements of the people, namely, that “until such a new faith does appear, only fools and criminals will hurry to destroy what is there, on the spot.”

In 1924—when he wrote Mein Kampf—he obviously felt that the time was not yet ripe for such a revolution.

From what one reads in the famous Goebbels Diaries, published by our enemies in 1948 (and therefore, no one knows to what extent genuine) he would appear to have been in perfect agreement with the Reich Propaganda Minister’s radical opposition to the Churches at the same time as with his cautious handling of the religious question during the war. As long as the war was on, it was, no doubt, not the time to promote such changes as would, perhaps, make many people realise too abruptly that they were fighting for the establishment of something which, maybe, they did not want. But, when victory would be won, then, many things that looked impossible would be made possible. According to the Diaries, the Führer was even planning, “after the war,” to encourage his people, gradually, to alter their diet, with a view to doing away with the standing horror of the slaughter-houses—one of the most laudable projects ever seriously considered in the history of the West, which, if realised, would have at once put Germany far ahead of all other nations, raising her conception of morality much above the standard reached by Christian civilisation [reddish emphasis by C.T.].

He was certainly also planning the gradual formation of a religious outlook worthy of the New Order that he was bringing into being. Already, the most devotedly radical among the active Party members, the corps d’Élite; the SS men—were expected to find in the National Socialist Weltanschauung alone all the elements of their inner life, without having anything to do with the Christian Churches and their philosophy. And if one recalls, not the Führer’s public statements, but some of the most striking private statements attributed to him, one feels convinced that he was aware of the inadequacy of Christianity as the religion of a healthy, self-confident, proud, and masterful people no less than any of the boldest of the National Socialist thinkers, nay, no less than Heinrich Himmler himself and those whom he had in mind when he repeatedly wrote, in his brilliant booklet, Wir Heiden—“We Heathens.”

I know that the sayings attributed to a man, either by an admiring devotee in a spirit of praise or by an enemy, in a spirit of hatred, are, more often than not, of doubtful authenticity. Yet, when, while quoted in order to praise the one alleged to have uttered them, they in reality condemn him, or when, while quoted as “awful” utterances, with the intention of harming him, they in reality constitute praise; and when, moreover, they happen to be too beautiful, or too true, or too intelligent for the reporter to have invented them wholesale, then one can, I believe, accept them as authentic or most probably so.

Of the many books written purposely to throw discredit upon our Führer, I have only read one through and through; but that one—the work of the traitor Rauschning, translated into English under the title Hitler Speaks—I read not merely with interest, but with elation, for it is (much against the intention of its author) one of the finest tributes paid to the Saviour of the Aryan race. Had I come from some out-of-the-way jungle and had I never even heard of the Führer before, that book alone would have made me his follower—his disciple—without the slightest reservation. Should I characterise the author of such excellent propaganda as a scoundrel?

Or is he not just a perfect fool: a fellow who joined the National Socialist Movement when he had no business to do so, and who recoiled in fright as soon as he began to realise how fundamentally opposed his aspirations were to ours? His aspirations were, apparently, those of a mediocre “bourgeois.” After he turned against us, he did not actually lie; he did not need to. He picked out, in the Führer’s statements, those that shocked him the most—and that were likely to shock also people who resemble him. And he wrote Hitler Speaks, for the consumption of all the mediocre “bourgeois” of the world. As there are millions of them, and as the world they represent was soon to wage war on the Führer, the book was a commercial success at the same time as an “ideological” one—the sort of success the author had wanted: it stirred the indignation of all manner of “decent” Untermenschen against National Socialism.

But one day (if it survives) a regenerate Aryandom will look upon it as the unwilling tribute of an enemy to the greatest European of all ages.

And Hitler’s words about Christianity, reported by Rauschning in the fourth chapter of his book, would be admired—not criticised—in an Aryan world endowed with a consistently National Socialist consciousness, for they are in keeping with our spirit—and ring too true not to be authentic. “Leave the hair-splitting to others,” said the Führer to Hermann Rauschning before the latter turned renegade:

Whether it is the Old Testament or the New, or simply the sayings of Jesus according to Houston Stewart Chamberlain, it is all the same Jewish swindle. It will not make us free. A German Church, a German Christianity, is a distortion. One is either a German or a Christian. You cannot be both. You can throw the epileptic Paul out of Christianity—others have done so before us. You can make Christ into a noble human being, and deny his divinity and his rôle as a saviour. People have been doing it for centuries. I believe there are such Christians today in England and America—Unitarians, they call themselves, or something like that. It is no use. You cannot get rid of the mentality behind it. We do not want people to keep one eye on life in the hereafter. We need free men, who feel and know that God is in themselves.

Indeed, however clever he might have been, Rauschning was not the man to concoct this discourse out of pure imagination. As many other statements attributed to the Führer in his book, this one bears too strongly the stamp of sincerity, of faith—of truth—to be just an invention.

Moreover, it fits in perfectly with many of the Führer’s known utterances, with his writings, with the spirit of his whole doctrine which is, as I said before, far more than a mere socio-political ideology. For, whatever might be said, or written, for the sake of temporary expediency, the truth remains that National Socialism and Christianity, if both carried to their logical conclusions—that is to say, experienced in full earnest; lived—cannot possibly go together.

The Führer certainly thought it premature to take up, publicly, towards the Christian doctrine as well as the Churches, the attitude that the natural intolerance of our Weltanschauung would have demanded; but he knew that we can only win, in the long run, if, wherever essentials are concerned, we maintain that intolerance of any movement sincerely “convinced that it alone is right.” And he knew that, sooner or later, our conflict with the existing order is bound to break out on the religious and philosophical plane as well as on the others.

This is unavoidable. And it has only been postponed by the material defeat of Germany—perhaps (who knows?) in accordance with the mysterious will of the Gods, so as to enable the time to ripen and the Aryan people at large, and especially the Germans, to realise, at last, how little Christianity can fulfil their deeper aspirations, and how foolish they would be to allow it to stand between them and the undying Aryan faith implied in National Socialism.

That Aryan faith—that worship of health, of strength, of sunshine, and of manly virtues; that cult of race and soil—is the Nordic expression of the universal Religion of Life. It is—I hope—the future religion of Europe and of a part at least of Asia (and, naturally, of all other lands where the Aryan dominates). One day, those millions will remember the Man who, first—in the 1920s—gave Germany the divine impetus destined to bring about that unparalleled resurrection; the Man whom now the ungrateful world hates and slanders: our Hitler.

Imprisoned here for the love of him, my greatest joy lies in the glorious hope that those reborn Aryans—those perfect men and women of the future Golden Age—will, one day, render him divine honours.

___________

Editor’s note: For the footnotes and an audio accompanying this text, see the original article: here.

Faith of the Future, 7

by Matt Koehl

 

VII. The Faith of Adolf Hitler

Beyond its purely intellectual aspect, the revolutionary Idea of Adolf Hitler contains an added dimension, to which one must turn to discover the source of its ineluctable attraction—its compelling magic, as it were. It is from its sentient—its emotional—content that one must reduce the secret of its extraordinary mystique—just as it is here that one cannot help but perceive its nuclear potential as the mythos of a new age. For it is not by logic and reason that great, earth-shaking movements are impelled, but by the unfathomable force of suprarational faith subjectively felt by the adherents of such a movement.

In the arena of great world events, even the most rational of ideas must take on the character of subjective faith—or remain forever condemned to the realm of sterile abstraction. It must, in other words, proceed beyond the understanding of the mind to an appreciation of the heart. Only thus does it assume that mysterious and inexplicable quality which guarantees success.

If we examine the various individual features of the National Socialist idea—its views on such fundamental concepts as race, personality, the state, work, struggle and Nature, for example—we find that these do not, even when taken together, suffice to explain the curious fascination surrounding its manifestation. For that we must turn, ultimately, to the personality of its author. For in the person of Adolf Hitler, the Idea undergoes fusion into a transcendent whole which is greater than the sum of its parts. Only in a subjective appreciation of this phenomenon and what it represents does the Idea become comprehensible.

* * *

Who, then, was Adolf Hitler? What was he?

Certainly, he bore the attributes of any man. He had two natural parents. He had flesh and blood. He ate and slept. He grew up, went to school, and worked for a living. He formed friendships, had personal likes and dislikes, became angry, but also had a warm sense of humor. He experienced joy and sorrow, pleasure and pain. In other words, his were all the normal human experiences and emotions. He was, in fact, completely human.

Historically, of course, Adolf Hitler was something more. He was a great national leader and statesman. Where can one find a comparable instance of a humble man of the people rising—by sheer will, determination and genius in the face of every conceivable obstacle and odd—to leadership of a great nation, liberating it from alien domination, purging it of racial and moral decay, and building within it a regime of national unity and social justice?

Where was there a similar statesman who, singlehandedly, was able to halt the seemingly inexorable advance of Communism across the face of a continent? Where else was there a leader who was able to lift his country—a country defeated in war and burdened with unbearable reparations—up out of economic and social misery and restore it to a position of prosperity, dignity and pride, while other nations sickened in the throes of a Great Depression? Where in all of history was there ever a ruler who enjoyed greater popular support?

Yet, it is beyond his manifest role as an outstanding national leader and statesman, as well as his obvious humanity, that we must look to discover the essential person of Adolf Hitler. Specifically, it is in the domain of the extrahistorical—i.e., in that area outside the normal historical process—that we must turn to find the true identity of the figure who stood in our midst just a few short generations ago. For although his life’s work continues to exercise an ongoing effect, its real meaning cannot be disclosed through the usual investigations of historiography.

* * *

More than one observer has commented on a certain strange, compelling quality which seemed to emanate from the person of Adolf Hitler. Kubizek, for example, has described the remarkable incident on the Freinberg.[1] Others have reported similar, if less dramatic, experiences in their own personal encounters with Hitler. And not only did this mysterious quality manifest itself in such individual meetings, but before larger audiences as well. Even persons who were not German and not National Socialist have testified to the singular ability of Adolf Hitler to articulate the unspoken feelings and aspirations of his listeners as though he were giving utterance to their innermost thoughts and emotions.

Recalling a Hitler rally which she attended in 1930, one Social Democratic writer described the phenomenon in this way: “The audience was breathlessly under his spell. This man expressed their thoughts, their feelings, their hopes; a new prophet had arisen—many even saw in him another Christ…” [2]

That he was able to affect his contemporaries in this manner is in itself remarkable. What is even more extraordinary and amazing, however, is the ability of Adolf Hitler to exert a continuing charismatic effect on generations which were not even born during his mortal lifetime! He still seems to articulate our deepest, most heartfelt feelings and longings as Aryans. He seems to strike a flawless chord with our innermost being. When he speaks, there is an immanent awareness that we are actually listening to the sound of our own inner voice. So perfect is his relation to our racial psyche that it is as though he has become one with it. We have the feeling that here before us is the consummate expression of the collective unconscious of our race.

It is as though we are confronted by an awesome presence, by a timeless charisma. Indeed, there is a certain enigmatic aura surrounding the figure of Adolf Hitler which seems to transcend all barriers of time and space. When we mention his name, we sense that we are speaking of more than a historical phenomenon; we allude to something which is eternal and infinite. We have the feeling that we are referring not only to the past, but to the present and future as well. Instinctively, we sense that here was more than just another man, that here was someone quite extraordinary.

The truth is that in Adolf Hitler we are confronted by a phenomenon which defies all objective analysis and rational explanation. Indeed, it is one which can only be understood in its symbolic, or representative, role—that is, through mythos interpretation. For only in the realm of the mythos—of the epic, the saga and legend—do we find those elements adequate to describe this most unusual personality. Only through a process of apotheosis can we hope to achieve a coherent understanding of the true reality of this remarkable figure. Only then do the various facets of his earthly life and career submit to plausible explanation.

Accordingly, we may proceed to a recognition that this very unusual being did, indeed, bear a divine mandate. He was, indeed, the instrument of a higher destiny. He was, indeed, endowed by Providence with a special mission. And, indeed, may he be described as an incarnation of the Absolute—of that great, ineffable Force without beginning or end, which rules and dominates this universe and determines the destinies of men.

Intuitively we recognize that represented here is something elemental, something primal—something that goes back to the very foundation of the world. We perceive that this singular figure was/is a manifestation of the will of the Eternal in corpore; that he was/is the voice of the Almighty, the word—the logos—spoken anew to modem man; that, indeed, he was/is the herald of a new age here on earth.

At the same time, we recognize him as the perfect personification of our racial soul. He is our consciousness and our conscience. In him is our racial will made manifest. In him do we see embodied the highest hopes and aspirations of Aryan man.

And so, in paying homage to this extraordinary personality, we at the same time defer to our own soul and to the divine which lies within us. In immanent relationship with him and in the service of his Cause do our lives acquire purpose, meaning, value, relevance, direction, structure, significance. Without him, we have no worth; we are nothing—nil. With him, we are privileged to become part of a larger order—indeed, we possess the possibility of transcending the limitations of our own mortal existence.

This, then, is the One whom we are honored to call Führer—Leader—our spiritual guide, special gift of Providence, the One chosen to disclose the divine will, the divine ordinances to the present age.

Every human order contains an idea which is symbolic of its higher purpose and mission. And so it is, above all, as a symbol of a new age that the figure of Adolf Hitler must be seen. It may be stated that he represents the inner principle—the raison— of our entire racial existence, of our history, our destiny, our life. He stands as our eternal emblem before the world. He is our law and our guide as Aryans for all time to come. He is our hope, our redemption, our promise of victory.

Thus do we perceive the outline of a new, immanent reality in which the transfigured person of Adolf Hitler joins with regenerate Aryan man and the Absolute in mystic union to form the noble mythos of a new faith.

Already, the rudiments of this faith, the Hitler faith—Hitlerism— exist in wordless, inchoate form in the hearts of a small, but growing number. Slowly, almost imperceptibly, a sacred retinue is gathering in sworn bond of deathless loyalty and honor. Defiantly, its banner is raised. The prospect of battle stirs its blood. It hails the struggle— the awesome challenge. It awaits the coming storm.

A new dispensation now looms on the horizon. A new, transforming reality is rising. As the darkness of a dying civilization casts its lengthening shadow over a confused and despairing world, the faith of the future will shine forth ever more brightly as the one great, redeeming hope—the polar star of a new age and a resplendent New Order, one which will be guided and instructed by the immortal personality of the greatest figure ever to walk the face of this earth.

[1] August Kubizek, The Young Hitler I Knew, tr. E.V. Anderson (New York, N.Y., Tower Books, Inc., 1954), Chapter 10.

[2] Lilo Linke, Restless Days (New York, N.Y., A.A. Knopf, 1935), pp. 397-398.

National Socialism

eagle-and-swastika-reichadler-und-hakenkreuz-national-socialist-posters-third-reich-deutschland

At any given moment there is an orthodoxy, a body of ideas which it is assumed all right-thinking people will accept without question. It is not exactly forbidden to state this or that or the other, but it is “not done.” Anyone who challenges the prevailing orthodoxy finds himself silenced with surprising effectiveness. A genuinely unfashionable opinion is almost never given a fair hearing, either in the popular press or in the highbrow periodicals.

—George Orwell

Excerpted from “National Socialism:
The Biological Worldview”
by Povl Riis-Knudsen:

 
As a National Socialist you constantly experience the difficulty in carrying on a meaningful conversation with a non-National Socialist. You often feel that such a dialogue is outright impossible and that you live in two totally different worlds. Partly, of course, the reason for this deplorable situation lies in the propaganda image of National Socialism as the culmination of human viciousness that our enemies have created in the public mind.

As opposed to today’s carefree relativism, where all ideas—in principle at least—are equally acceptable and valid, National Socialism represents the unremitting effort to find the absolute truth and to make this truth the foundation of human society. Unlike the nebulous ravings of inane armchair philosophers and oriental mysticism, however, National Socialism is based on common sense, and it seeks its arguments in the real world, where the difference between truth and lie and between good and evil is determined by facts and not by wishful thinking and theoretic reveries.

In this light, it is obvious that National Socialism must reject the conceptions and moral norms of all the ruling ideologies, and this, naturally, leads to a comprehensibility gap that is difficult to bridge—simply because there is no common frame of reference between National Socialists and people whose thinking is determined by the ideas of the present order. National Socialism simply means an absolute, irrevocable, and uncompromising fight against the very philosophical foundations of the entire ruling world order.

Unlike other philosophies, National Socialism has never been invented—it has been derived from the eternal Laws of Nature, which have existed as long as the universe and which have governed all life since the first primitive organism came into existence. This has been expressed beautifully and clearly by Savitri Devi, the famous late National Socialist philosopher, in her book The Lightning and the Sun:

In its essence, the National Socialist idea exceeds not only Germany and our time, but the Aryan race and mankind itself and any epoch; it ultimately expresses that mysterious and unfailing wisdom according to which Nature lives and creates: the impersonal wisdom of the primeval forest and of the ocean depths and of the spheres in the dark fields of space; and it is Adolf Hitler’s glory not merely to have gone back to that divine wisdom, but to have made it the practical regeneration policy of world-wide scope.

In other words, National Socialism was not invented by Adolf Hitler. It is the conscious expression of the fundamental Laws of Nature governing our lives. It is based on an infinite love of the creation in all its diversity, a deep, unconditional respect for the wisdom of Nature, and an ardent will to preserve life as it has grown out of this wisdom. The only way to do so is to organize the society of man in accordance with these fundamental Laws.

Thus being against National Socialism is just as absurd and illogical as it would be to oppose the law of gravity or the fact that the earth is round! National Socialism is really nothing but the application of physical and biological laws to the political, economic, social, and religious areas of human life in the same way as they are today applied to technology.

Of course, we might sometimes wish that some of these Laws had been a little different, but we must necessarily accept that it would be impossible to change them. Laws of Nature cannot be abolished or amended through a vote in the General Assembly of the United Nations, the US Congress, or any other national parliament! Perhaps everything had been easier if all human beings and all races had been created equal, and if there had not been any hereditary factors governing and limiting our individual possibilities of development. However, that is not the case, and there is absolutely no chance of changing this fact by wishful thinking, i.e., by doing as if these Laws did not exist. To build a society on such dreams is a deadly sin that can only have disastrous consequences.

These consequences are seen only too clearly when we take a look at the societies that have been built by our enemies in East and West. Unanimously, they refer to National Socialism as the “Gospel of Evil”—while they themselves rule over a world on the brink of economic and moral disaster, a world afflicted by inflation, unemployment, crime, senseless violence, drug abuse, pollution, pornography, corruption, hunger, and ecological catastrophes.

No wonder, indeed, that man lives in constant fear of what the next day has in store for him! Unfortunately, this fear and hopelessness is most widespread in the Aryan part of the world, where decadence and moral decay are most advanced. Here people have been totally alienated from all sound and natural values and made into mindless zombies, whose anxieties are soothed by material affluence—in a constant race against economic chaos.

In spite of all the material goodies of the modern world, these people are neither happy nor satisfied. They completely lack ideals and enthusiasm and they have lost all faith in the future. The Aryan is simply unwilling to bring children into this world. As he sees no future, he prefers the luxuries of the moment to the preservation of his race and culture. He tries to secure as comfortable a life for himself as he can in this cesspool, and his only hope is that the inevitable catastrophe will not occur in his lifetime. Thus, he passively watches the land of his forefathers being slowly but steadily taken over by aliens, who do not yet realize that the end of the white man means the end of all civilization as we know it.

This is the Golden Age our enemies promised the world in 1945—this is what they have been able to build in the seventy years they have had absolute power. Under these circumstances, the prospects for the future sure are gloomy. However, it does not have to be this way. That the world is in such a sinister condition is solely the result of man’s total disrespect for the Laws of Nature.

As a National Socialist you inevitably feel like someone from another planet when you have once realized the nature of the present order. You can have no part in this system and the very daily struggle to keep alive within the framework of this society must seem like a futile waste of time.

As National Socialists we envisage a totally New World Order, based on the “unfailing wisdom according to which Nature lives and creates.” Only within such a new world order can life survive on this planet in the long run. However, to establish this New Order man must accept that he is not elevated above Nature. Man is not the master of creation but an integrated part of the totality of Nature, and he is subject to exactly the same laws as all other living organisms.

Likewise, he must also accept the scientifically proven fact that the races of man are different—not only in their outward appearance but also with regard to their mental and intellectual characteristics—and, finally, that all human beings are individuals created unequal, and that their lives are mainly determined by hereditary factors and not by their natural environment. This may, of course, seem “unjust,” but one of the things man must recognize is that in Nature there is no concept of justice in the sense we normally apply to this word.

The enemies of National Socialism often claim that the biological conception of human nature, which is the very basis of National Socialism, is “unethical.” To this we can only reply that it is the so-called “ethics” of these opponents that are immoral, because they are based on norms and values that are not founded on Nature. For National Socialists there is only one truth: the Laws of Nature, and anything that is not in full accordance with this truth is absolutely wrong!
 

Christianity

This, of course, means a total rejection of Christianity, whose unnatural dualism is the very basis of the predominant “moral” code—also where this code is disguised under a liberal / humanistic or a Marxist label. According to Christianity, man enjoys a very special position among all creatures by having a divine soul. This soul is universal and unbiological.

Thus, Christianity is characterized by a distinct contempt of life and Nature. It is a religion for losers and dreamers who cannot cope with the challenges of life but just vegetate along, trusting that “the last shall be first and the first shall be last,” as Christianity regards any criminal good-for-nothing and mentally deficient fool as a more valuable human being than the industrious and creative citizen.

It represents a set of norms and values that put the virgin above the mother, the monk above the father of a family, and the weak and suffering above the strong and victorious; indeed, the dead above the living. It scorns any pleasure in life and glorifies self-torture and self-abasement as positive indications that man fights his flesh and accepts that he is born as a vessel of sin because he is not all spirit.

No matter from what angle you look at it, Christianity represents a perverted and misanthropic attitude to life that can under no circumstances be tolerated in a healthy society. To put it bluntly, Christianity is a kind of spiritual AIDS that has destroyed our natural immunity against unbiological thinking. It is a contaminating disease of the mind and must be fought with all means.

Unlike the Christian, the National Socialist is supposed to live. He is supposed to expand his abilities and unfold his personality as much as he can within the boundaries of his biological nature—both physically and spiritually. He is not supposed to spend life on his knees in front of a Middle Eastern god, begging for mercy and forgiveness for the “sin” of having been born into Nature.

We want to see proud and harmonious people who are confident of themselves and their mission in life—not frightened and dejected products of misanthropic conceptions like “original sin,” which only leaves man one hope in life: that “God” will forgive him if he just believes and repents.

Nor do we want the diffident and despairing victims of the pluralistic worldview with its denial of absolute values. National Socialists are not atheists. We do believe in a deity, but our deity is an absolute contrast to the Jewish-Christian Yahweh. For National Socialism there is only one true deity: the inscrutable creative power that is manifested everywhere in Nature. This is the deity we pay our tribute to by showing veneration and respect for the wisdom of the Laws of Nature.

As National Socialists, we follow no other voice than the voice of Nature and no other ethic than the ethic of Nature, and we know only one mortal sin: to try to revolt against this ethic. This is not mysticism, as some claim, but pantheism—the idea that the divine is expressed through Nature and nowhere else.

Pantheism has its roots far back in history and is one of the foundations of German idealism and romanticism in the 19th century. It is the recognition that we owe our existence to a principle of life that is not just the sum of its chemical components. Thus, National Socialism sees life as more than the materialistic scramble for maximum consumption and self-gratification—life entails an obligation to protect the divine principle that we are part of. Some might call this a religion, but it does not need the establishment of a narrative based on superstition to sustain it—and it sure is not a “faith.” It is not based on belief, but on facts.
 

Sexual roles

To create sound surroundings for life to unfold we also need healthy families, where children can grow up in harmony and be happy. Another evil of the present order is that this kind of family is being destroyed by the usual unbiological thinking and the nonsense of women’s libbers. Just as the races are different, so are the sexes, and the idea that man and woman are biologically equal is a serious threat to the survival of man.

The differences between them are not the result of socially constructed “sex roles” but of biological roles! It is not a coincidence that it is the woman who gives birth to the children. She is not only biologically fit for this task, but also mentally, and as the mother of the new generation she has the most important role in society. The idea that she must “fulfill herself” by joining the labor force and getting a job at an assembly line, while her children are left to others, is criminal.

nsdap Women can only fulfill themselves within their biological role as mothers. Without a mother, the family crumbles. The children are left to themselves or to a state education. When they get home, nobody has time for them. They are not taught any ideals and they get their idols from television, bad music, and even worse literature. They live on fast food and fall victims to the worst kind of commercial materialism—that is, if the woman does not choose to avoid having any children at all either by using some kind of “birth control” device or by murdering the child if she gets pregnant anyway. Of course, the feminists claim that it would be just as natural for the man to look after the children and the woman to go to work. The fact is that if it had been just as natural, the man would have given birth, too.

 
Miscegenation

The most serious threat to the coherence of society is, without comparison, the biological race-mixing that has always either come hand in hand with the mixing of cultures—or even being its precondition. The disintegration of culture itself can be stopped at any time and a people can find its way back to its own cultural norms and values again—as long as the racial stock is intact. The mixing of the races, however, is irrevocable—and its consequences are incalculable and disastrous.

There are only too many opportunities to study the kind of societies we have as a consequence of race mixing. Latin America, India, and Egypt are all excellent examples, and so are Hellas and the Roman Empire.

Just as the Indian, Persian, and Egyptian cultures also the Greek and Roman civilizations were created and sustained by an immigrated minority of predominantly Nordic race. This higher developed minority first suppressed the original majority and their culture, but later they slowly succumbed to their subdued peoples’ numerical superiority.

Weakened by innumerous wars that had cost them their most valuable blood and subverted by Asian ideas of false humanitarianism, they gradually gave increasing numbers from the subdued peoples citizenship and brought new slaves and laborers from their colonies in Africa and Asia—who were then integrated and acquired citizenship in the next generation. This sure is a familiar picture, isn’t it? And it was this disintegration of the Nordic race that changed the proud state of Hellas into present day Greece and Rome into Italy—or put in another way: civilization into chaos!

In school you still spend at least some time teaching the children about the ancient cultures, but not one word is said about the people who created those cultures. It does not seem to puzzle anybody that the ability to organize a state can disappear so completely. The truth is that most of the people who masquerade as “Romans” today racially have very little in common with their mighty predecessors. Too many of their ancestors had their home south of the Mediterranean!

When speaking about racial biology today, you soon face a whole lot of taboos. Studying racial biology—that is, if it is the human races you want to study—has become something naughty and not even medical doctors or so-called anthropologists can be expected to know anything at all about this matter. Even to want such knowledge is damaging to your career, so why care?

* * *

We do not have any time to lose. Would you care to join us? Not for our sake—but for the sake of your children.

Can you imagine a world without White people and the civilization they have created?

Healthy religion

by Wotans Krieger


 
The ancients believed that religion is indissolubly related to the race and ethnicity of a people. Once an individual, family, clan, tribe or nation divorces itself from the foundation religion of their ancestors they face the prospect of initially a loss of identity and then ultimately extermination as a distinct sociobiological entity…

The Christianization of the northern European peoples resulted in a gradual loss of racial consciousness which followed an inversion of their spiritual values and a suppression of their beliefs. Today the Germanic and Celtic peoples of Britain are experiencing anomie, a lack of values and norms. Feeling cut off from their spiritual and cultural roots many of them turn to alcohol, drug addiction, gambling and vice as a palliative cure for their feelings of rootlessness.

The adoption of Christianity at the point of the sword and the fire brand has caused Aryan man to adopt a set of anti-values which denigrate the hierarchical nature of human society which is a reflection of nature. False ideals of humanitarianism, ‘democracy’ and equality have psychologically weakened the Aryan peoples so that they now lack the will to resist the genocide that awaits them perpetrated by the alien and Semitic religions of Christianity, Islam and Judaism. The adherence to a universalist religion which denies the validity and primacy of race and ethnicity is a form of race treason.

Only by responding to the call of the blood will we as a race deliver ourselves from the disaster which awaits us as a race.

— ‘Religion: A Question of Race and Identity’

Published in: on July 26, 2017 at 9:26 am  Comments (5)  
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