Forfeiting internal jihad

Quinon proficit deficit—He who doesn’t advance goes backward, the question with the racialist right. As I said a couple of days ago in the comments section of this site:

The problem with white nationalists is that they are forfeiting internal jihad. To carry out external jihad, you first need to revalue the values that your parents instilled in you, through honest soliloquies in the silence of your bedroom: internal jihad.

Basically, what nationalists do is keep their parents’ operating system and try to add racialist or reactionary programs to it. Such a naive strategy won’t work. We need a real Nietzschean transvaluation, the most radical operation of the mind I can think of: substituting an operating system for another one (again, cf. what we say about ‘medicine’ in the above post).

Published in: on January 17, 2022 at 9:42 am  Leave a Comment  

A fair hearing – when?

George Orwell said: ‘At any given moment there is an orthodoxy, a body of ideas which it is assumed all right-thinking people will accept without question… Anyone who challenges the prevailing orthodoxy finds himself silenced with surprising effectiveness. A genuinely unfashionable opinion is almost never given a fair hearing, either in the popular press or in the highbrow periodicals’.

But these days, after years of hard work, Kevin MacDonald is getting a fair hearing on Jewish influence in the West—in an Israeli journal! (see KMD’s ‘My paper on Jewish influence blows up’). Despite the tearing of clothes by the usual suspects (ADL, etc.), his ideas are finally being discussed in a mainstream journal, giving him a chance to respond.

I wonder how long it will take a similar courtesy that these Israelis are extending to KMD, but this time from racialists regarding The West’s Darkest Hour?

This is our challenge to the prevailing orthodoxy in white nationalism: unlike your monocausalism, we believe that Christian ethics enabled the Jewish problem. But to this day, our unfashionable opinion has never been given a fair hearing in your highbrow forums (for example, KMD rejected Ferdinand Bardamu’s article on Christianity that now appears in The Fair Race). You haven’t done so even though it would be relatively easy to review, say, our masthead book (I only authored the preface).

Published in: on January 9, 2022 at 11:33 am  Comments Off on A fair hearing – when?  

How KMD ushers in the new year

In my last post last year I reminded visitors that none of the mainstream white nationalist forums has tried to answer my main point about miscegenation in Latin America, when Jews had no influence in the Americas. Kevin MacDonald’s first article this year in The Occidental Observer opens with these words:

Nathan Cofnas published a paper in the Israel-based academic journal Philosophia: Philosophical Quarterly of Israel in February of last year titled “The Anti-Jewish Narrative.” Andrew Joyce wrote a masterful reply, “The Cofnas Problem,” while I decided to try to publish a response in Philosophia. My paper went through two rounds of peer review and was finally accepted. It is the lead article in the January issue of Philosophia, and is available as an open-access paper on Springer Nature.

This is the first time I have attempted to publish an article on Jewish influence in the mainstream academic literature since The Culture of Critique was published in 1998 by Praeger, so it is something of a milestone.

MacDonald is one of the most respected white nationalists in America. I would like to respond to what he says about his milestone by paraphrasing the article’s abstract, replacing terms that refer to Jewry with terms that refer to Christian ethics. This is MacDonald’s original abstract:

The role of Jewish activism in the transformative changes that have occurred in the West in recent decades continues to be controversial. Here I respond to several issues putatively related to Jewish influence, particularly the “default hypothesis” that Jewish IQ and urban residency explain Jewish influence and the role of the Jewish community in enacting the 1965 immigration law in the United States; other issues include Jewish ethnocentrism and intermarriage and whether diaspora Jews are hypocritical in their attitudes on immigration to Israel versus the United States. The post-World War II era saw the emergence of a new, substantially Jewish elite in America that exerted influence on a wide range of issues that formed a virtual consensus among Jewish activists and the organized Jewish community, including immigration, civil rights, and the secularization of American culture. Jewish activism in the pro-immigration movement involved: intellectual movements denying the importance of race in human affairs; establishing, staffing, and funding anti-restrictionist organizations; recruiting prominent non-Jews to anti-restrictionist organizations; rejecting the ethnic status quo as a goal because of fear of a relatively homogeneous white majority; leadership in Congress and the executive branch.

What KMD says both in this article and in his trilogy on Jewry is basically true. My objection is that it is short-sighted, in that it doesn’t adequately consider the history of the white race outside his nation. This is my paraphrase:

The role of the Catholic Church in the transformative changes that have occurred in the West continues to be controversial… On this side of the Atlantic, the post-Conquest era after 1521 saw the emergence of a new, substantially Spanish elite in the American continent that exerted influence on a wide range of issues that formed a virtual consensus among the organised Church and Catholic religious orders, including immigration of blacks from Africa, civil rights for the native Amerindians, and the Christianization of the Americas. The activism of the Spanish and Portuguese crowns involved a pro-immigration movement (in the following centuries more blacks migrated to the Catholic Americas than to Protestant America); Christian movements denying the importance of race in human affairs, and minimizing white supremacy to the point of wholesale mestization of the Iberian whites with both, native Amerindians and imported blacks.

If you wonder where these blacks are in Latin America, the answer is brutal: they have long since been genetically amalgamated with the other races, so the average ‘mestizo’ is actually the product of all three races.

Is it getting through that my ‘heliocentric’ paradigm replaces the ‘geocentric’ paradigm of the US racialist right? The policies of the 1965 Act that MacDonald mentions in his January 1st piece fall within my own life span. By contrast, what Christians did on the continent, ruining the DNA of those who came from the Iberian peninsula, was perpetrated for centuries (the first cases of interbreeding were consummated even before the Conquest of the Aztec Empire).

But obviously, white nationalists will continue to ignore these facts because confronting them would imply updating their little paradigm! Incidentally, to the translation of Ferdinand Bardamu’s essay into the language of Cervantes on why Europeans should reject Christianity, I have added a brief prologue and an epilogue, which can be read in the Spanish section of this site (here and here).

Published in: on January 2, 2022 at 12:28 pm  Comments Off on How KMD ushers in the new year  
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Last chance to save the comments section

‘A country has the Jews it deserves. Just as mosquitoes can thrive and settle only in swamps, likewise the former can only thrive in the swamps of our sins’. —Corneliu Zelea Codreanu

 

Claudius’ insult in the previous thread got me thinking.

One of the signs of ideology or religion is that—as Ferdinand Bardamu said at the beginning of his essay now in English, German, Spanish and French—it is not susceptible to logical discussion. As soon as one questions the ideologue or religionist’s core belief, one is met with an emotional response (such as insults).

Remember that earlier this year I eliminated the comments section for a month and a half, and I am tempted to do so for good. The thing is that the spam filter is being bombarded by banned sockpuppets, and sometimes it is difficult to distinguish between a new commenter and a sockpuppet due to proxy IPs.

To make matters worse, those white nationalists who religiously believe that Jewry is the primary cause of white decline are unwilling to be persuaded by reason or even historical facts. Consider Claudius mentioned above. Since July of this year I had been trying to reason with him. It’s worth collecting my responses from that month because I’ll link this post to this short article (linked in the red letters of the sticky post). This is what half a year ago I tried to communicate to the now-banned Claudius:

But this doesn’t respond to what I say: In his first novel he [William Pierce] doesn’t criticise Christianity, only Jewry; and in the second novel he puts a Christian preacher as a legitimate way out of the current dilemma in the US. If the American Gore Vidal published an anti-Christian novel (Julian) in the 1960s, why couldn’t Pierce do the same in the 70s and 80s, when he published his two novels?

Furthermore, the National Alliance doesn’t list Christianity as the primary cause of white decline. It is a typical organisation of American white nationalism with the difference that they aren’t Christian.

The point of view of The West’s Darkest Hour is that Christian ethics is the primary cause of white decline, not Jewry, which is what American racialists believe. (That’s why they never tell me anything when I mention the gigantic mestization in this continent that occurred when their religion was supposedly healthy.)

The difference is as big as believing in the geocentric system vis-a-vis the heliocentric system: neither more nor less a paradigm shift. That’s why this site is ignored by all main pundits of American racialism. Nobody tries to answer what I say through a solid essay-review; replying, for example, to what we say in the books available from the sidebar.

A commenter replied: ‘Re: your Latin American argument. Can I hypothesize that the Yankee mutt nationalists ignore your point precisely because they are “racist”, i.e., Latin Americans are subhumans to them and should not be counted for anything?’ I responded:

The problem is that, what I say, happened even north of the Rio Grande before the US war with Mexico. I am referring to the states California, Nevada, Utah, most of Arizona, the western half of New Mexico, the western quarter of Colorado, and the southwest corner of Wyoming (and later, Texas). All this is North America, and before belonging to Mexico they belonged to New Spain, the viceroyalty of Spain.

The trick white nationalists do to self-delude themselves is to ignore the history of their own land, since in those lands miscegenation wasn’t frowned upon either, courtesy of the Counter-Reformation ideology [i.e., Christian ethics] when it belonged to Spain.

After Claudius intervened, I replied by quoting him (in bold):

However, we cannot underestimate the terrible impact of the accursed ‘chosen people’ on the White race.

Have I underestimated it? You are new to this site. Have you read the masthead of this site, the essay on Judea vs. Rome?

Hitler (and most of the NS leaders) was not a Christian, or a believer if you prefer, but he did not waste time attacking the Church when…

Again, old visitors of this site know that Hitler had to compromise—elemental PR—in his speeches. But in his inner circle he criticised Christianity more than Judaism.

…he knew that there was one enemy infinitely more dangerous.

If this is true, how do you explain that in his table talks there are more anti-Christian statements than anti-Semitic statements?

Put it this way: Christianity and Judaism complement each other. But the driving force in our downfall is Judaism.

Nope. The drive is that the white peoples let that a malicious archetype take over their collective unconscious right after Constantine. Again, you are new to this site. Have you read our translations of Christianity’s Criminal History (see the sidebar)?

The Jews have been the creators and promotors of everything vile and destructive. Driven by their messianic dreams and their hatred for mankind they are the most powerful and lethal enemy of the White race. Don’t put the cart in before the horse.

It looks like you haven’t even read Pierce’s Who We Are or Arthur Kemp’s March of the Titans: the only histories of the white race written so far. They demonstrate that ethnosuicidal miscegenation occurred in the historical past sans Jews, for example the Aryans in India and right after the conquests of Alexander the ‘Great’. That a blind will to imperialist power is far greater ill than Jewish subversion is the moral of those two histories.

After responding to another commenter (‘I am not saying that Christianity is a bigger problem than Jewry, but that Christian ethics is a larger problem than Jewry, since it includes the secular ethics after the French Revolution and the birth of the US that now infect all the West’), Claudius intervened again. My response:

… it seems to me that some people here have become obsessed with Christianity making it our chief enemy forgetting that the Jews are in the driving seat. As I said, that is as absurd as putting the cart before the horse.

You are talking like the proverbial white nationalist. This is the last time I repeat it: This is not a WN site. If you want a WN echo chamber please go to WN forums.

Christianity is an enemy… The Jews are at the forefront in the fight for the destruction of the White race and Western civilization and cannot be considered a secondary enemy.

They are a secondary enemy. The main enemy of whites is whites themselves, as proven in the sources I mentioned to you above (incidentally, The Fair Race doesn’t contain essays authored by me, only the prologue).

Most importantly they [the group of the late Pierce] are 100% anti-Christian.

Have you listened to what I said above? It doesn’t matter whether they are anti-Christian or not. What matters is if they know that Christian ethics is the primary factor of white decline (which includes secular, atheist ideologies throughout the West).

My final words in that thread to Claudius:

This is not a site for bicausal-A-type racialists like you. It is a site for bicausal-B-type racialists.

You say you have been visiting this site for a while. If that’s true you’d know that this site rejects either bicausalism-A or monocausalism.

It looks academic. But in fact the difference is, as I said, as huge as heliocentrism vs. geocentrism: the classic example of paradigm shift.

If you aren’t going to change your paradigm after reading the literature I recommend, my advice is that you move to more conventional WN forums.

Before I eliminate the comments section I must give one last chance to bona fide commenters who aren’t trolls, banned sockpuppets or fanatic monocausalists.

This post is dedicated to those commenters who wish to know our philosophy, the books on the sidebar: most of them available also as PDFs so that he who cannot afford them can print them at home.

To the new visitor: Before commenting on this site, please familiarise yourself with the literature linked on the sidebar. Thank you.

Published in: on December 30, 2021 at 3:44 pm  Comments (8)  
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Quotable quote

‘By bringing Death to all those worthless Slavic mongrels, the Einsatzgruppen were creating new, better Life. White Nationalists need to stop imagining their heroes as good little jew-obeying boy scouts’. —Mauricio

Published in: on December 22, 2021 at 8:08 pm  Comments Off on Quotable quote  

History of American NS, 8

The National Alliance and smaller
organizations (1970-1985)

By any imaginable standards, the National Socialist White People’s Party was the predominant NS organization in the United States throughout the 1970s and into the early 1980s. But it was not the only NS group. Except for the National Renaissance Party and NSDAP-AO, all of these other formations began as spin-offs or splinters of the NSWPP. For the most part, these other groups did not amount to much. Sometimes, the number of letters in their grandiose names exceeded the number of people they had on their mailing list. Nevertheless, they need to be included in any complete history of the NS movement in America – and three of these formations (the NA, the NSDAP-AO and the NSM) went on to play a significant role in the Movement after the end of the NSWPP.

In his 1968 essay, ‘Some Guidelines for the Development of the National Socialist Movement’ Matt Koehl noted: ‘Every dynamic force in history produces centrifugal tendencies. This has been true of the Christian church and the Marxist sects, as well as the National Socialist movement’. Professional Jewish ‘hate watcher’ Leonard Zeskind, comparing White Nationalism in America to an army, said that the movement consists solely of ‘generals and privates’ because as soon as a general promotes one of his privates to captain, the newly-minted captain declares himself to be a general and starts his army. There is certainly truth in the observations of both Koehl and Zeskind. Personality clashes differences, especially among the leaders, were the main reason that there were so many organizations all professing the same basic beliefs.

Here, listed alphabetically, is a roster of some of the NS-oriented formations active in the US during the 1970s.

  1. American Mobilizers (New York City)
  2. American Nazi Party (two different groups, one based in Hollywood, California, and the other in Phoenix, Arizona)
  3. American White Nationalist Party (Ohio)
  4. National Renaissance Party (greater NYC area)
  5. National Socialist League (San Francisco/Los Angeles)
  6. National Socialist Liberation Front (Los Angeles)
  7. National Socialist Movement (Ohio)
  8. National Socialist Party of America (Chicago)
  9. National Socialist Party of North Carolina
  10. National Socialist White Workers Party (San Francisco)
  11. National White People’s Party (North Carolina)
  12. National Youth Alliance (later the National Alliance)
  13. NSDAP-AO (Lincoln, Nebraska)
  14. United White Peoples Party (Cleveland)
  15. White Power Movement (West Virginia)
  16. White Youth Alliance (later the National Party, New Orleans)

This list is not inclusive, and other small groups came and went without leaving a mark on the political landscape.

These various organizations all shared a common ideology in a broad sense. Sometimes there were minor theoretical differences. The NWPP quibbled with the NSWPP over the inclusion of the word ‘socialist’; the NSL was a homosexual group, whereas all of the others were stridently anti-homosexual; the UWPP was openly Christian, while the NA and the NRP argued against Christianity.

But overall, all of the groups listed agreed on a certain body of core beliefs, namely:

  • that the White race was superior to all other races and needed to be defended
  • that the Jews were the enemy of all mankind and needed to be opposed
  • that race-mixing was wrong
  • that Blacks and other non-Whites (but especially Blacks) needed to be expelled from the US
  • that communism was a creation of the Jews and was evil, and
  • that the United States had fought on the wrong side during World War II, and it would have been better if Hitler had won the war.

It would be tedious and pointless to examine each of the organizations listed in detail, as most of them were insignificant, even by the modest standards of American National Socialism. But some among them do deserve discussion.

 
William Pierce and the National Youth Alliance

In 1968, Alabama Governor George Wallace mounted a presidential campaign as an independent candidate, opposing both the Republicans and the Democrats. Wallace presented himself as a disguised racialist, who would recapture the federal government from the traitors and ‘pointy-headed bureaucrats’ and reinstitute a White Constitutional republic.

It was all a lie: Wallace was just a two-bit political huckster bent on riding a massive wave of White discontent over the direction the country was heading. Nevertheless, his campaign released and focused on White resentment and anger as never before in the post-World War II era. In the November election, he won nearly 10 million popular votes and carried five southern states, totalling 46 electoral votes. Although Wallace himself was not a committed White racialist, probably 99 per cent of those who voted for him were Whites who had a positive sense of racial consciousness.

There were three different ways that American National Socialists reacted to the Wallace movement: Some, such as the NSWPP, denounced Wallace as the fraud that he was. Others ignored him as irrelevant to their efforts. But one man, at least, was shrewd enough to realize that the Wallace movement presented a unique opening for hardline racialists. That man was Willis Carto, whom we discussed in the sixth instalment of this series. Carto was a shrewd judge of human character, and he knew that Wallace was a false White Messiah. But he saw a wonderful opportunity to harness the tremendous racial energy that Wallace had unleashed.

Carto formed a student organization, ‘Youth for Wallace’ as an independent adjunct to the official Wallace movement. The goal was to amass a huge mailing list of young racially conscious White people who were attracted to the Wallace campaign and to use that mailing list for a post-electoral effort. And this he did.

Following the election, he transformed the YFW into a new organization, the National Youth Alliance. He recruited Dr Revilo Oliver to help him in the new enterprise. Carto had had a personal connection with the deceased neo-fascist ideologist Francis Parker Yockey and was the publisher of a popular edition of Yockey’s 1948 masterwork Imperium: The Philosophy of Politics and History. Because of this connection, Carto used Yockey’s thought as the ideological basis of the NYA. Yockey was not a racialist as we consider the term today: rather than racialism rooted in biological reality, he championed a wispy, insubstantial ‘spiritual’ racial ideology. Oliver was not especially enthusiastic about Yockeyism, but went along with it, later explaining that Yockey’s thought was ‘the best option open to us at the time’.

Carto’s NYA never went very far. He appointed Louis Byers as his frontman. Byers published one issue of a newspaper called Attack!, held a few meetings and distributed copies of Imperium. Within a year, the NYA was moribund.

As previously discussed, Dr William L. Pierce had split from the NSWPP in mid-1970, at the same time the nascent NYA was foundering. After the split, Pierce found himself at looses ends politically. He issued two multi-page public letters to the mailing list that he had accumulated. In the first letter, he gave his reasons for leaving the NSWPP. In the second, entitled Prospectus for a National Front he put forth his vision for a new American NS movement. He signed both letters ‘Heil Hitler!’ (see here).

In essence, what Pierce proposed was an organization that would retain basic National Socialist ideology but would be stripped of the external NS trappings that had characterized the movement since Rockwell formed the American Nazi Party in 1959: there would be no Swastikas, no uniforms, no glorification of Adolf Hitler and no fixation with National Socialist Germany. Serious political activism would replace the publicity stunts that Rockwell had used to propel himself into the headlines.
 

______ 卐 ______

 
Editor’s Note: See why a few days ago I wanted to read a history of American racialism? I was unaware of this precisely because I was reluctant to read the history of the Jew Leonard Zeskind, mentioned by Kerr above.

If I had known this little piece of info, I wouldn’t have romanticised Pierce as much as I did since 2010 until this year. It is clear that, on this point, Savitri Devi had a much deeper grasp than Pierce about how the collective unconscious works.

For example, keeping in mind what I said in my last post, had I known in my teens that there were two racist groups in the neighbouring country to the north, without any doubt I would have immediately chosen the one that was overtly NS: Matt Koehl’s (pic below)!

Now I see that it was Pierce who opened the first door to what since the mid-1990s John Gardner would start to call ‘white nationalism’: patriotard, tepid racialism that (unlike NS) is never going to amount to anything because it is incapable of, to use a Jungian term, making contact with the Self: the divine part at the core of the Aryan. This is so even taking into account that Pierce wasn’t lukewarm.

It doesn’t matter that Pierce tried to create a new religion (pace what Kerr says about ‘cosmotheism’ below). Without the central symbol of Hitler, deified as Savitri did it in her writings, it is impossible to replace the old religion (the Judeo-Christian poison) with the new one. It is impossible to transvalue values for the simple reason that what the Aryan needs are human models like Leonidas, Hermann and Hitler—instead of a mythical Jew from 1st century Palestine. A lot must be written about this in the future. For the moment, just remember Mauricio’s words quoted below the Roman sculpture, almost at the top of the sidebar. Kerr continues:
 

______ 卐 ______

 
Pierce’s letters met with a lukewarm response. Although people respected his intellect and his dedication, he had not yet proven himself as a leader. Few were ready to throw in with him in starting a new organization from scratch, especially since the NSWPP was flourishing.

At some point, Pierce sat down with the NYA’s Byers. He had given it his best shot, Byers said but had been unable to get the NYA off the ground, even after investing a substantial sum of Carto’s money and most of his savings into the venture. He offered the group to Pierce, if he wanted it, contingent on Carto’s approval. Pierce said that he was interested. Carto went along with the proposal, with the assumption that Pierce would just be another frontman as Byers had been, and that he, Carto, would call the shots from behind the scenes.

There was not a whole lot to turn over to Pierce. He received a mailing list of 15,000 names, most of which dated back to the Youth for Wallace group and were over two years old. But he also received Carto’s backing. Pierce produced the second issue of Attack! along the lines, he had discussed in his Prospectus. He jettisoned the Yockey angle and resurrected NYA as a group based on biological racialism. The tabloid was an immediate success. For a cost of $2,000, he received $6,000 back in the mail, and he could now separate the wheat from the chaff in the old NYA mailing list.

It was soon clear that Pierce had no intention of being a frontman for Carto. He was his own man and would run the NYA as he saw fit. Carto was outraged. There was a brief power struggle from which Pierce emerged victorious. By early 1971, Pierce had his group. Had he not taken over the NYA, Pierce would have doubtlessly gone on to form a new group of his own. However, with the resources of the NYA at his disposal, meagre though they may have been, he was able to move forward more rapidly than he would have otherwise.

The first NYA facility was in Washington DC, Georgetown neighbourhood. Today Georgetown is toney and upscale, but back in the early 1970s it was decidedly low-rent. A two-story brick building was provided to Pierce by Carto. On the ground floor was the Western Destiny Bookstore. The phrase Western Destiny was a nod to Yockey, whose acolytes called themselves ‘Destiny Thinkers’. Part of the stock came from the NSWPP’s George Lincoln Rockwell Bookstore, which had been run by Robert Lloyd. Lloyd had sided with Pierce in his split with Matt Koehl, and the contents of the bookstore came with him. The rest of the stock came from Carto’s own Noontide Press operation. Above the bookstore was Pierce’s office, where he produced Attack! and carried out routine administrative tasks for the Alliance. The bookstore was manned by Pierce’s first two followers, who had come over to him from the NSWPP.
 

______ 卐 ______

 
Editor’s note: So at least at the beginning, there had long been some founding stones for a future publishing house, which is what I was concerned about in my earlier comments on this series. Kerr continues:

______ 卐 ______

 
However, after he broke with Carto, Pierce lost use of the facility. He eventually relocated the NYA office to Crystal City, across the Potomac River in South Arlington. He would have different offices in Crystal City over the years, until he finally moved the operation (then greatly expanded) to Hillsboro, West Virginia, in August 1985.

The NYA presented itself to the public as an activist group, but the reality was that it had few activists. In the four years of its operations, two small, low-key picket-line demonstrations were its only organized public activities. In 1973, Pierce testified against Secretary of State nominee Henry Kissinger before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He stated that Kissinger, as a Jew would favour the interests of Israel over America. But for the most part, the NYA and Pierce kept a low profile.

Most of its energy and resources went into producing and distributing Attack! which quickly became a ‘must-read’ publication in pro-White circles. Although it had some agitational content, its strong point was thoughtful, in-depth essays by Pierce on a wide range of racial and societal topics. At first, Pierce had to write most of each issue himself. In time, however, he was able to attract other writers who were impressed with his intelligence, realism and seriousness. One of these young recruits was Mark Weber, who went on to become a leading revisionist historian and head of the Institute for Historical Review.

Another feature of Attack! was The Turner Diaries. This was a serialized novel, an episode of which appeared in each issue. Pierce used the format of an adventure story set shortly to present his ideas concerning race and revolution. In 1978, the episodes of this series were collected and published as a novel. The novel proved to be immensely popular and successful: hundreds of thousands of copies have been printed in several different editions, and for a while, it could even be found in mainstream bookstores across the US. This gave Pierce’s core message an audience far beyond the relatively small readership of Attack!

As the 1970s wore on, the premises on which the NYA were founded eroded. The upheaval and turmoil of the Vietnam War era subsided, and the dynamic radicalism of the 1960s gave way to a prosperous society based on conspicuous consumption. As noted, the NYA had been founded as a student organization with membership limited to those under 30 years of age. Pierce recognized that he needed to make some adjustments to fit the changing situation.

 
The National Alliance

In February 1974, the NYA was reorganized as the National Alliance. In May of that year, Pierce adopted the Life Rune as its symbol. In 1977, the Attack! newspaper was replaced by the National Vanguard tabloid. In May 1982, Pierce retired the tabloid format, which was designed for mass distribution, and relaunched National Vanguard as a magazine printed on glossy stock and aimed at a more select audience. With occasional interruptions, the print version of National Vanguard continued until 2009, at which time it was temporarily suspended. It exists today in an online format (here).

Although later it attracted enough followers to stage impressive public demonstrations, the NA, like the NYA before it, kept a low profile in its first years. In terms of recruitment, it focused on quality, rather than quantity. Unlike the NSWPP, which had a political focus, or the NSWPP’s successor organization, the New Order which defined itself in spiritual terms, the National Alliance was an educational organization. The content of National Vanguard reflected this. A sales division, National Vanguard Books was created; the NA’s extensive booklist was the envy of every pro-White group and even attracted attention from like-minded formations abroad. The simple list was replaced in 1984 by a magazine-format illustrated catalogue. In 1983, Pierce recruited Kevin Alfred Strom. Strom’s first major project was compiling and producing a huge, portfolio-sized volume called The Best of Attack and National Vanguard Tabloid.

Internally, Pierce continued to develop his movement’s ideology. In serialized fashion, like The Turner Diaries, he wrote a comprehensive history of the White race stretching from remote prehistory through the second half of the 20th century. It was called Who We Are.

Although he was a practical man, who kept his attention focused on the important tasks immediately before him in building the NA, he also had a reflective side to his personality. His reflections on Man and Race, and their place in the Universe (or Cosmos), resulted in Pierce founding Cosmotheism. This was the philosophical or spiritual dimension of the National Alliance worldview. Or perhaps it is better to say that it is Cosmotheism that is all-encompassing, and the NA is its political manifestation at this point in history. Although his focus on the NA and the challenges before it kept him from developing this new belief in-depth, he spent enough effort on it to author three short essays which serve as its basic texts: The Path (1977), On Living Things (1979) and On Society (1984).

As I have written before, if our Race survives the existential crises which now beset it, William Pierce will not be remembered by future generations as the author of The Turner Diaries, or even as the founder of the National Alliance, but rather as the man who first codified the Will of Nature as Cosmotheism.

In August 1985 – at roughly the same time that Matt Koehl moved the headquarters of the New Order to Milwaukee – Pierce relocated the national office of the NA to Hillsboro, West Virginia. Further discussion of the evolution of these two organizations in the late 1900s and early 2000s lies beyond the scope of this article.

 
National Socialist Party of America

Another split occurred in the NSWPP at roughly the same time that Pierce broke away. This led to the creation of the National Socialist Party of America, which lasted until 1980.

Frank Collin was the leader of the Chicago Unit of the NSWPP. He was half-Jewish: his father was Max Simon Collin (born Cohn), a German Jew who had been interned in the Dachau detention facility in the 1930s, before emigrating to the United States. Frank Collin’s mother was of Irish-Catholic descent. Collin concealed his Jewish heritage when he joined the NSWPP. In 1970, the NSWPP headquarters in Arlington received a tip concerning Collin’s father. National Organizer Robert Lloyd investigated the allegation by examining the pertinent immigration and birth records, which were available to the public. He determined that Collin was indeed half-Jewish.

Collin was asked by the NSWPP to step down as the Chicago leader, but he refused. This caused a split in the local group, with hardline party loyalists remaining with the NSWPP, and Collin and his followers breaking away to form the NSPA. Collin dishonestly told his members that he did not have any Jewish descent. Despite the hard evidence against him, his followers chose to believe him.

The NSPA was based in the Marquette Park neighbourhood on Chicago’s west side, where George Lincoln Rockwell had successfully organized White resistance to racial integration in 1966. The party headquarters was called Rockwell Hall, and the group enjoyed a high level of support among the area’s besieged White population. The NSPA occasionally ran candidates for public officer. In 1975, Collin standing for alderman received sixteen per cent of the vote. Although it was a tiny group with only a handful of members, it received massive nationwide publicity on two occasions.

The first of these was the ‘Skokie controversy’. The NSPA was told that it would be unable to use Marquette Park for its White Power rallies unless it posted a huge deposit with the city. The small group, with no base of financial support to speak of, was unable to raise the amount. Instead, it announced that it would march in Skokie, Illinois, a community with a large Jewish population, many of whom were reputed to be ‘Holocaust survivors’. When the city of Skokie prohibited the march, Collin took it to court for violating his First Amendment rights. The case wound through the court system, eventually finding its way to the Supreme Court. In the end, Collin was allowed to march in Skokie but declined to do so. The rally deposit for public parks required by Chicago was also struck down.

The NSPA also garnered major worldwide publicity for its participation in the Greensboro, North Carolina, shootout between Klansmen and National Socialists on one side, and members of a Marxist sect calling itself the Communist Workers Party on the other. The North Carolina chapter of the NSPA had originally been yet another NSWPP splinter group called the National Socialist Party of North Carolina. It was led by Harold Covington, a former NSWPP activist and staff member. In 1976 he merged his mini-party with the NSPA and was appointed ‘Deputy Party Leader’ by Collin.

The CWP had been agitating local Negroes against the Klan in the futile belief that this would make the Negroes support communism. A series of skirmishes between the Klan and their NSPA allies and the CWP culminated in a ‘Death to the Klan’ rally organized by the Reds in a Black neighbourhood of Greensboro. The CWP taunted the Klan, calling them cowards and it dared them to attend the rally to counter-protest.

The rally was held as scheduled on November 3, 1979. The Reds were startled when a caravan of cars containing twelve Klansmen and four NSPA members drove to the rally site. (Covington refused to go along, claiming that his life was ‘too important to risk’.) Recovering from their initial surprise, the Communists attacked the vehicles. The Klansmen and National Socialists left their cars and engaged in a brawl with the Marxists. At some point, the Reds pulled back and opened fire on the men from the convoy with handguns. One Klansman, Harold Flowers, was wounded by gunfire. The Klansmen and NS’ers then retrieved long guns from the trunks of their vehicles and returned fire, killing five of the Reds and wounding a dozen others.

Sixteen of the Klan/NS convoy were arrested for murder but were subsequently found not guilty. This was a good showing on the part of the NSPA, but it proved to be their last hurrah. In December 1979, Collin was expelled from his party after evidence was discovered by NSPA members proving that he was a paedophile who had molested young boys in the Rockwell Hall headquarters. This information was subsequently turned over to the police, who arrested Collin in January 1980. Upon conviction of the charges, he served three years in jail. He has since reinvented himself as ‘Francis Joseph’. a self-described neo-pagan and expert on Atlantis and similar subjects.

Covington briefly took over the NSPA. He ran what was left of the party from his Raleigh, North Carolina office rather than Rockwell Hall. Sometime in 1981 or 1982, he abandoned the party and moved to Ireland. Another NSPA officer, Michael Allen, took command before finally dissolving the group in the mid-1980s.

 
NSDAP/AO

The initials NSDAP/AO stand for Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei Aufbau- und Auslandsorganisation, which is German for National Socialist German Workers Party Development and Foreign Organization. Unlike the other groups listed here, the NSDAP/AO did not view the United States as its major field of operations; rather it was formed as a propaganda base for the German NS movement. Any open manifestation of National Socialism was strictly illegal in both West Germany and East Germany in the 1970s (as they remain so today in the reunited German state). The purpose of the NSDAP/AO was to produce hardline NS material in the US, which would then be smuggled into Germany.

The NSDAP/AO was formed in 1973 by Gerhard Lauck, an American of German descent. Lauck, who was only 19 years old at the time, was encouraged in his efforts by former members of the German-American Bund. In March of that year he published the first issue of NS Kampruf (‘NS Battle Cry’), a German-language National Socialist publication. The NSDAP/AO also published leaflets, stickers and posters. It began with modest press runs of a few thousand, but within two years it was printing hundreds of thousands of pieces of material at a time.

Sometimes this literature was mailed directly into Germany. However, because of interference by the German police, Lauck eventually developed a network that allowed him to send bulk shipments of material to countries bordering Germany where National Socialism was legal, such as Denmark. It was then smuggled across the border for distribution to underground NS cells.

In 1974, Lauck entered Germany for organizational purposes. He was ordered deported and eventually allowed himself to be arrested by the police.

Also in 1974, the NSDAP/AO began to involve itself in the American NS movement. Lauck initially tried to form a working relationship with Matt Koehl, who was the leader not only of the National Socialist White People’s Party but also of the World Union of National Socialists. WUNS had German and other European contacts. However, neither man fully trusted the other, and so Lauck cast about elsewhere for American allies. He eventually settled on an alliance with Frank Collin and his NSPA.

In April 1975, the NSDAP/AO issued its first English-language publication, the NS Report. Eventually, it was merged with Collin’s irregularly-published tabloid The New Order and adopted the other publication’s name. Lauck lent his political support to NSPA activities and attended some of them in person. In 1980, NSPA leader Collin was arrested for child molestation and was replaced by Harold Covington, who purchased the Rockwell Hall headquarter. Lauck soon broke with Covington and kept his distance from the American NS scene for the next two decades.

The NSDAP/AO continues its work to this day. In addition to English and German, it has expanded its operations to include material in over two-dozen languages. Its main website is: this.

 
National Socialist Movement and the National Socialist White Workers Party

The National Socialist Movement, which was alive and healthy in 2018, began in 1976 as a letterhead organization run by Robert Brannen and James Mason. The group conducted no activities, other than publishing a small photocopied newsletter. In April 1978, it merged with the National Socialist White Workers Party.

The NSWWP was an offshoot of the San Francisco Unit of the NSWPP. It was headed by Allen Vincent, an Old Fighter from the Rockwell years. The NSWPP in Northern California had been the subject of a documentary film that was nominated for an Academy Award in 1976, and which was later screened in Cannes. Vincent was the central figure in the film. After the film’s release, he broke with Matt Koehl and started his mini-party in the San Francisco bay area. It held occasional meetings and public activities and opened the Rudolf Hess Bookstore. The store was in a predominantly non-White area and was quickly stormed and destroyed by an angry mob. Vincent and his followers made a narrow escape out the back door.

At some point, both Brannen and Mason lost interest in the NSM/NSWWP. Brannen, the group’s chairman, turned it over to Clifford Herrington. Herrington had been in the NSWPP and a variety of splinter formations, and also ran his Satanic group called the ‘Joy of Satan’. In the 1990s, Herrington left the group and named Jeff Schoep as his successor. Surprisingly, Schoep proved an accomplished organizer and activist, and by 2000 he had made the NSM the largest and most-successful NS group in the US since the NSWPP was dissolved in 1983.

James Mason went on to form the Universal Order, another letterhead group, which combined traditional National Socialist doctrine with the teachings (such as they are) of the homicidal cult leader Charles Manson.

 
National Socialist Liberation Front

The NSLF was another NSWPP-breakaway, led by Joseph Tommasi. He had been the most impressive and successful of the NSWPP’s local leaders. He ran the Los Angeles Unit of the party out of a large Swastika-decorated farmhouse in the LA suburb of El Monte. Tommasi was a talented public speaker and organizer and had a charismatic personality. At a time when many NSWPP units struggled to raise a dozen men for local demonstrations, Tommasi could put 40 to 50 troopers in the street. By most political metrics, this is a pitifully small number, but by the low standards of post-War American National Socialism, it was noteworthy.

Unfortunately, Tommasi was impulsive, hot-headed and undisciplined. He viewed his NSWPP chapter as an independent NS franchise that he could run however he saw fit. Commander Matt Koehl, however, considered each local unit to be subordinate to the party’s national organization. Koehl repeatedly tried to bring Tommasi’s operation into line with the rest of the party, but the 22-year-old Tommasi was stubborn and refused to comply. In 1973, Koehl reluctantly removed Tommasi as the Los Angeles Unit leader. In March of 1974, Tommasi broke from the NSWPP to form the National Socialist Liberation Front.

The NSLF, supposedly, was committed to ‘building the National Socialist revolution through armed struggle’. Tommasi, however, was limited in how much-armed struggle he could undertake since the group was heavily infiltrated by the police from the moment of its inception. Instead, he allied with an anti-Castro Cuban group based in South El Monte. The Cubans would commit small acts of violence against local Marxist organizations, and by mutual arrangement the NSLF would publicly take the credit for them. Actual NSLF activities were largely limited to attacks on the NSWPP and its personnel, against which Tommasi continued to harbour a grudge.

On August 15, 1975, Tommasi was shot dead on the steps of his former NSWPP headquarters when a confrontation he initiated with two NSWPP security officers turned violent. One of the men later pled guilty to second-degree murder and was sentenced to six months in jail. Following Tommasi’s death, the NSLF was led by David Rust, but within a few years Rust found himself in prison on weapons charges. Periodic attempts were made to revive the group by James Mason, Karl Hand and others. None of these attempts was unsuccessful.

 
National Socialist League

The National Socialist League was an organization in Los Angeles and San Francisco for homosexuals. Homosexuals were not allowed in NS or related groups, which in fact, were vociferously anti-homosexual. Thus, the NSL was in a category of its own, seeking to combine National Socialism with ‘the struggle for sexual liberation’. The NSL was founded by Russell Raymond Veh, a former NSWPP activist who left the party after he belatedly discovered that it was hostile to his sexuality.

The NSL undertook no public activities. What its private activities were one can only imagine. It published a newsletter, initially called NS Kampfruf (no doubt plagiarized from Gerhard Lauck’s publication of the same name), but later changed to NS Mobilizer. The NSL lasted from the mid-1970s to the early 1980s.

We will not chronicle or document the other groups listed at the beginning of this article. With the notable exceptions of the NA, the NSDAP/AO and the NSM, these minor formations – some of them very minor indeed! – all tell the same story: A disgruntled NSWPP member declares himself to be the new Führer and proceeds to lead his corporal’s guard of followers into obscurity.

Taken together, these smaller groups cut a poor figure. Indeed, they hurt the overall prospects of American National Socialism by opening the movement up to ridicule, and by making it seem unappealing and unsavoury to disaffected Whites who might otherwise consider National Socialism in a positive light. Yet for good or for ill, they are part of the historical record.

History of American NS, 6

The Rockwell years (1959-1967)

When discussing Movement history, the period 1959-1967 is commonly referred to as ‘The Rockwell Years’, and rightly so. George Lincoln Rockwell first raised the Swastika banner in Arlington, Virginia, on March 8, 1959, and he was assassinated there on August 25, 1967. There were indeed other NS and pro-NS organizations on the scene during these years. Some of these were older than Rockwell’s party, such as the National States Rights Party and the National Renaissance Party, which we have previously discussed. Others arose as splinters or rivals of Rockwell’s movement, such as the White Party of America and the American National Party. For their part, the NSRP and the White Party were larger than Rockwell’s American Nazi Party.

But it is Rockwell who dominated the scene in every sense: he led the way in public awareness of the Movement, and forged a new path in the theoretical development of National Socialism. Abroad, he provided the initiative for the formation of the World Union of National Socialists and at home, he set a precedent for mass NS action with the Chicago White people’s rebellion of 1966. While his competitors in the pro-White movement laboured in obscurity, Rockwell was a household name. And everywhere his dynamic personality was felt: he was the standard against which other leaders and organizations were judged.

 
Getting started

In terms of resources and manpower, Rockwell started from zero; he was alone, without even the comfort of his wife and children. The lease would soon expire in the house in which he lived, and the small offset printing press in the basement would also be taken away from him at that time. The political contacts he had in the pro-White movement were scattered across the country, and for the most part, they were already committed to various mini-parties and were not looking for something new. Financially, he was broke. But what he lacked externally he more than made up for with his internal resources: in courage, intellect, imagination and drive.

He hung the huge Swastika banner on his living room wall. The house / headquarters was located on a busy street, and the flag was visible through a picture window to passing motorists and pedestrians. He opened his doors to the curious, and he spent every evening in discussion and debate with those who showed up. Word of the anti-Jewish naval commander with the Swastika flag on his wall spread quickly, and within a few weeks, Rockwell had his first followers. Newspaper publicity followed, and the Rockwell movement was born.

The name he chose for the new party was long and cumbersome. He called it, the ‘American Party of the World Union of Free Enterprise National Socialists’. The ‘American Party’ was the name of a nativist political party of the 19th century, which espoused a sort of proto-racial nationalist ideology. The term ‘Free Enterprise’ was a reflection of Rockwell’s initial unease with the socialist component in National Socialism. Those whom he first recruited almost uniformly came from what the media called the ‘far-right’ in which ‘socialism’ is a dirty word. Rockwell designed a basic khaki uniform for his members, similar to the US class A naval uniform. A Swastika armband was worn on the left arm. A Rockwell innovation was to place a small blue circle in the centre of the Swastika. This symbolized the globe, and thereby the international character of Rockwell’s racialism. Almost immediately, the initial name of the party was shortened to simply the ‘American Nazi Party’. This is the designation by which it would be known throughout Rockwell’s lifetime, and by which American National Socialism is still known today in the popular mind.

 
Rockwell’s strategic plan

Rockwell had spent his entire adult life in the US navy. He had served in World War II and the Korean War. For a time, he was on the staff of the US Naval Mission to Brazil. Consequently, he knew something about military operations and strategic planning. Unlike many movement leaders, who charge off blindly into the political arena with little or no idea of what they are doing, Rockwell had a plan.

He called it the ‘Four Phase Plan’, and it was designed to take Rockwell and the ANP from complete obscurity and impotence on the utmost fringes of the American political spectrum, to the White House. Here are the four phases:

PHASE ONE: Through agitation of all sorts, make the ANP a household name known to every White American. Rockwell was aware that racial nationalist formations were routinely ignored by the mass media. Consequently, they and their programs were completely unknown to the general population. But, he correctly surmised, by proclaiming himself to be an open ‘Nazi’ complete with Swastikas, praise for Adolf Hitler and a program that included gas chambers for ‘Jew traitors’, he could craft a public image so outrageous that the media could not ignore him. He would force the Jewish-controlled media to give him the publicity he desired, despite themselves. The downsides of this approach were two-fold: (1) The image that he projected to the public was not one of serious National Socialism, but rather an exaggerated caricature or cartoon version of the real thing; and (2) The publicity that the Party received was always hostile, to the point that it distorted Rockwell’s message even further.

PHASE TWO: Education. Once he had attracted the attention of the general public, he would correct the false image of National Socialism that had been projected to them and instead educate them as to the true nature and belief system of the NS worldview.

PHASE THREE: Organization. Once he had an educated cadre of trained party leaders and a base of support among the population, he would organize the White masses into what he termed a ‘powerful political machine’.

PHASE FOUR: The ultimate phase of Rockwell’s plan was to use the White, NS political machine that he had built to take national power.

He always spoke of taking power legally, through elections. However, as a political realist, he privately conceded that he would use whatever means necessary to secure the existence of the White race: no options were off the table.

Anyone wishing to examine Rockwell’s Four-Phase Plan in further detail should consult the last chapter of his political autobiography, This Time the World (1962), in which he explicates it in depth (pages 416-422 in the standard edition).

Rockwell discussed the plan frequently and publicly. This was a calculated risk on his part: normally, one does not divulge one’s plans to the enemy but instead keeps them secret. By making his plan public, he sought to reassure the authorities (especially the FBI) that he was not seeking to subvert and overthrow the government by force, which is illegal, but instead was seeking to make changes in a legal and peaceful manner. At the same time, he was trying to explain the disreputable and outrageous nature of his propaganda to serious-minded potential recruits who might otherwise be put off by the vulgar language, provocative street theatre and talk of gas chambers.

 
Phase One operations

In the last nine months of his life, Rockwell began to transition the party from Phase One to Phase Two. But for the preceding eight years he had been pushing Phase One as hard as he could, and so it is Phase One activities and propaganda for which he is best remembered.

This included street theatre, in which a handful of uniformed stormtroopers (usually between a half-dozen and a dozen) would march or picket. In addition to displaying the Swastika, they would carry deliberately provocative signs, such as ‘Who Needs Niggers?’, ‘Gas Jew-Communist Traitors’ and ‘Back to Africa’. The sole goal was to draw publicity to the party. Sometimes there would be a fight and arrests. So much the better, Rockwell reasoned, for that would guarantee the notoriety he sought. When he was allowed to present his ideas to a mass audience, as in his famous 1966 interview in Playboy magazine, he would consciously make himself out to be thuggish and buffoonish: he knew if he came across as too sharp and too persuasive, such interviews would never see the light of day.

ANP printed material was likewise designed to be outrageous. Towards the end of Phase One, he wrote: ‘When I began, I purposely made my propaganda as brutal and shockingly rough as I could, simply to force attention. And I have kept everlastingly at the business of building a simple and direct image of all-out hostility to “Jews and niggers” in the minds of millions of Americans, regardless of the costs in other respects’.

The important thing to remember about this approach is that it was a deliberate tactic, crafted to force a hostile news media to give him publicity–any publicity–which he described as ‘the lifeblood of any political movement’. He knew that what he was doing was not a reflection of serious National Socialism; it was a temporary expedient that he intended to abandon as soon as it had achieved its goal of making George Lincoln Rockwell and the ANP household names.

 
Proof of concept: the advent of William Pierce

Throughout his career, Rockwell spoke to many dozens of audiences at colleges and universities. This was an activity that fell into the Phase Two category–education–rather than Phase One. On these occasions, Rockwell could speak directly to the people he wanted to reach; he was not dependent on the media or any other third party. Consequently, he could explain National Socialism to his audience straightforwardly and seriously, without the outrageous slogans and provocative regalia that accompanied ANP street demonstrations. Another benefit of a speaking engagement is that the institution would pay Rockwell an honorarium of a few hundred dollars. The ANP operated on a month-to-month, shoe-string budget, with the staff at the Arlington headquarters were sometimes reduced to a near-starvation diet. The income from the colleges helped keep the party afloat financially.

One such speaking engagement took place at San Diego State College in California, on March 8, 1962. Rockwell, dressed in a suit and tie, spoke respectfully to an audience of some 3,000 students, explaining to them the ANP and its platform. Partway through his presentation, a Jewish student bolted from his seat and jumped up on the stage, attempting to wrest the microphone from Rockwell. Rockwell pushed him away, and as he squared off to fight with the attacker, the Jew punched him twice in the face, breaking his sunglasses. Before Rockwell could respond, two of his security men tackled the Jew from behind and threw him to the ground, pummeling him into submission. Other troublemakers in the audience then jumped up and began shouting, and the rest of Rockwell’s talk was cancelled.

On the surface, it appeared as though his enemies had won that round: they kept Rockwell from speaking. But the Jews had unwittingly played right into his hands. The fracas generated nationwide media coverage for Rockwell. One of those who saw the news reports was Dr William L. Pierce, a 29-year-old physics professor at Oregon State University. The report he saw on the evening news of the debacle in San Diego did not tell him much of what Rockwell had to say, but it gave him enough details that Pierce was intrigued. He dug out the ANP mailing address from a book at the school library and wrote Rockwell a letter.

The two men began corresponding, and in 1964 Pierce left his teaching position and moved across the country to help Rockwell out. This was proof of concept for at least part of Rockwell’s plan: the publicity that he received attracted the attention of a like-minded person of quality who recognized that Rockwell had a serious message to convey, even if his public image was disreputable and semi-comedic.

Pierce was a brilliant man with great moral courage, and in the years and decades to come, he would play a major role in the development of the Movement in the US. His service with Rockwell as a young man was a sort of basic training for him. Pierce never formally joined the ANP, although Rockwell asked him to sign up on several occasions and offered him an officer’s commission in the organization. One problem was that Rockwell insisted that if he were to join, that he would have to participate in at least one or two stormtrooper demonstrations each year. ‘Otherwise’, Rockwell explained, ‘the men will not respect you’. But demonstrations and the whole ‘Nazi’ image were not in keeping with Pierce’s outlook and personality, and so he declined to join. In the short term, this hobbled his Movement career. But the absence of news photographs showing Pierce parading in a ‘Nazi’ uniform meant that doors would be open to him in the years ahead that would not have been open had such photos existed.

Instead, he helped Rockwell in other ways, working on various low-key projects and advising him. In 1966, at his initiative and largely at his own expense, Pierce launched a theoretical journal for the ANP and its international affiliate, the World Union of National Socialists. It was entitled National Socialist World. The journal provided a platform for serious NS exposition on a high intellectual level. It gave a certain heft and gravitas to Rockwell’s movement that it had previously lacked. NS World included both translations of writings from the Third Reich era, and new, post-War material. Among the authors who wrote for it were, in addition to Rockwell himself, British NS leader Colin Jordan, Matt Koehl, Bruno Luedtke (a former Hitler Youth officer and NSDAP member) and Indo-European NS philosopher Savitri Devi. Pierce provided an editorial for each issue.
 

______ 卐 ______

 

Editor’s note: This was the right path to go but, alas, Pierce stopped publishing National Socialist World the next year after the assassination of Rockwell.

 

______ 卐 ______

 

Development of NS theory under Rockwell

In addition to being a man of action, Rockwell was a serious thinker. During his university days, he had majored in philosophy. Rockwell studied Mein Kampf and other original NS materials. He realized that Hitler’s teachings regarding, Nature, Race, Society, Marxism and the Jews were fundamentally correct. At the same time, however, he saw that Hitler’s defeat in 1945 had changed the world forever. The geo-political realities that were obtained before the War had been permanently altered. Before the War, the perception in NS and related circles was that each Aryan nation was menaced internally by Jewish Capitalism, and externally by Soviet-based Jewish-Bolshevism. Accordingly, it was up to each separate Aryan folk or nation to defend itself, or, as Hitler put it, to ‘devise its form of national resurrection’.

In the post-1945 dispensation, Rockwell realized, this had changed. It was not the individual Aryan countries that were threatened, but rather the Aryan race as a whole that was under attack – and in danger of complete extinction. It was only logical, he reasoned, that a race-wide threat required a race-wide response. So, for Rockwell, the political focus was on race, with national concerns being secondary, whereas, in Hitler’s conception, the good of the nation came first.

Rockwell’s almost-exclusive focus on Race as the primary issue had the side effect of marginalizing almost all other NS concerns, especially in the social and economic spheres. The party program made good faith nods at economic theory and social reform, but such issues were never fleshed out, nor were they the focus of party outreach. Exacerbating this neglect was the fact that the ANP was considered – and considered itself – as a far-right organization. Among the right, efforts at social reform and economic justice were considered the purview of the left. The people Rockwell targeted and whom he attracted had little or no concern with such issues.

Another problem was that the confrontational racial nature of ANP outreach made it impossible on a practical level to build bridges to Black nationalists and other non-Whites who shared the National Socialist position on racial separation. Much has been written on Rockwell’s effort to forge a link with the Nation of Islam and other Black separatists, but in fact, nothing concrete was ever achieved on this front, although theoretically trans-racial alliances between National Socialists and non-Whites are certainly possible.

 
World Union of National Socialists

A practical manifestation of Rockwell’s promotion of National Socialism as an international pan-Aryan movement was the World Union of National Socialists. As previously noted, the concept of a ‘World Union’ was already present in his thinking when he founded his party in 1959 under the name ‘World Union of Free Enterprise National Socialists’. But for the first three years of the ANP such a formation was only an idea, not a political reality.

Rockwell’s ANP, however, inspired other National Socialists throughout the world to form similar parties. One of these was the National Socialist Movement, founded in Great Britain by Colin Jordan in April of 1962. In August of that year, Jordan and the NSM hosted a camp in the Cotswold region of England. It was attended by National Socialists from across the globe, including Rockwell.

Among those who participated, besides Rockwell and Jordan, were Bruno Luedtke from Germany, Savitri Devi, John Tyndall and Roland Kerr-Ritchie as well as delegates from Austria, Belgium and France. By the end of the gathering, the assembled comrades had agreed on a preliminary set of guidelines for the ‘World Union of National Socialists’ (Rockwell agreed to drop the term ‘Free Enterprise’ under pressure from the European comrades). The guidelines were known as the ‘Cotswold Agreements’. They named Colin Jordan as the International Leader, Rockwell as the Deputy International Leader, Karl Allen of the ANP as International Secretary, and John Tyndall of the NSM as Assistant International Secretary. The document stated that it was provisional, contingent on its ratification by a ‘World Nazi Congress’ scheduled for the next year.

The 1963 congress never took place. Jordan was imprisoned for political offences shortly after the gathering, and Rockwell became the International Leader. When Karl Allen left the ANP in 1964 after a failed mutiny, Matt Koehl become the International Secretary. The ‘provisional’ declaration, in effect, was made permanent.

The World Union provided for international strategic cooperation for its affiliated organizations (limited to one for each country), as well as participation by individual National Socialists in countries without a formal WUNS affiliate. Eventually, Jordan reorganized the NSM as the British Movement and withdrew from the World Union.

WUNS was never as effective in coordinating international NS operations as Rockwell had hoped. Eventually, after his death, it withered away until it was only a letterhead or symbolic organization. But it was important, nonetheless, for it established National Socialism in practice as a pan-Aryan internationalist movement, and not a movement embodying a racialist version of 19th-century petty nationalism.

 
The precedent of mass action in Chicago

Another precedent established by Rockwell was that of National Socialism as a mass movement for American Whites. In the summer of 1966, the west side of Chicago was rocked by a series of riots by working-class White ethnics who were opposed to the forced integration of their neighbourhoods. Spearheading the effort to break up all-White neighbourhoods was a young Jesse Jackson, who was soon joined by Martin Luther King.

The Whites felt abandoned by the politicians whom they had elected, and by the police, who were protecting Black ‘civil rights’ marchers invading their territory. The churches likewise sided with the Negroes. The media put out a steady stream of anti-White, pro-Black propaganda. Unsurprisingly, Chicago’s powerful Jewish community sided against the Whites. Special hatred was reserved by the White workers for the real estate agents – most of whom were Jews – who were trying through every means, openly and underhanded alike, to sell homes to Blacks in all-White neighbours. Everyone was against them. Who would stand up for the White Man?

The ANP maintained a small storefront office in the White neighbourhood of Gage Park, which had a large population of Italian origin. To the south of Gage Park was the neighbourhood of Marquette Park, which had a large population of Lithuanians and other Baltic peoples. Rockwell instructed his men to offer whatever aid they could to the embattled Whites. What began as noisy White counter-protests turned into violent White riots. A new Rockwell innovation, signs bearing the Swastika and the words ‘White Power’ were quickly adopted by the angry Whites as their emblem.

On August 21, Rockwell and his troopers (dressed in civilian clothes) held a mass rally in Marquette Park. Thousands of Whites cheered Rockwell’s call for White unity and White power under the Swastika. Upon the completion of his speech, Rockwell walked through the crowd, which hailed him as a conquering hero showered him with cash donations.

The enemies of the White workers – city hall, the police, the media, the clergy, the Black agitators, and above all the Jews – were shocked by the enthusiastic embrace of Rockwell by the angry Whites. Within days, King and his cohorts had wrapped up a hasty ‘desegregation’ agreement with the politicians and called off all further marches and other provocations. Indeed, King was so embarrassed that he left Chicago, never to return.

On September 10, Rockwell led a ‘White People’s March’ through White neighbourhoods and into the Black ghetto. Some 300 local citizens joined in. More would have participated but were turned back by police cordons. The authorities were once again flabbergasted by grassroots support for Rockwell and the ANP.

Within a year Rockwell was dead, and his vision of building a powerful base of support for the Movement in the areas in which he had had success was never fulfilled. But he had set the precedent for mass action. He had proved that ordinary American Whites will accept National Socialism and NS leadership when the conditions are right.

 
Rockwell’s final year and the transition to ‘Phase Two’

In the months immediately following the events in Chicago, Rockwell reviewed the state of his party and the progress that it had made. He concluded that it was time to begin to put aside the Phase One activities and concentrate on building a movement with a more serious image and focus. Effective January 1, 1967, he renamed the American Nazi Party as the National Socialist White People’s Party and began to institute other changes. The salutation ‘Sieg Heil!’ was replaced by ‘White Power!’, while ‘Heil Hitler!’ was to be used only within the party and never in public. New literature was written and designed, and older items that had been deliberately scandalous were phased out.

In June, a national leadership conference was held at the party’s national headquarters in Arlington, to brief local leaders from across the country on the movement’s new focus. A new monthly tabloid, entitled White Power: The Newspaper of White Revolution appeared in August, and Rockwell worked feverishly to complete a new book, also entitled White Power.

The specific goal of the new outreach was to recruit and build a base of support among the White middle class, as well as among White service personnel and police officers. Small businessmen were to be specially targeted.

It was at this point that Rockwell was assassinated. His deputy Matt Koehl took over leadership, and with the help of other party old fighters, he attempted to proceed with the changes Rockwell had outlined. How Koehl fared in this endeavour will be discussed in the next instalment of this series. But for now, let us note that in the minds of many people, Rockwell’s reputation, unfortunately, remains linked to the first phase of his program, and not to the next phase, which he was never able to fully implement.

 
Black Friday: August 25, 1967

On the afternoon of June 28, Rockwell and a supporter were returning to the headquarters, when they found the entranceway blocked by a pile of debris. As the makeshift barricade was being cleared, two shots rang out from the woods to Rockwell’s left. With characteristic courage, Rockwell, who was unarmed, charged his attackers. He gave chase for a quarter mile or so until the two men jumped in a vehicle and drove off. A report was filed with the Arlington County police. A few weeks later, Rockwell applied for a permit to carry a concealed weapon – and was turned down. He privately told his colleagues that from behind one of the men resembled John Patler, a former ANP officer whom he had recently expelled from the party for dereliction of duty and spreading dissension within the ranks.

Two months later, Rockwell was shot dead from an ambush at a local shopping centre. A suspect matching Patler’s description was seen running from the site of the crime, and indeed, Patler was subsequently arrested while waiting at a bus stop some distance away. In 1968, Patler was convicted of second-degree murder, and sentenced to twenty years in prison of which he served seven years. As of this writing, he is still alive and living in New York City.

It was a tragic but foreseeable end to Rockwell’s life. As early as 1962, he had predicted his assassination, writing, ‘I knew that I would not live to see the victory which I would make possible, but I would not die before I had made that victory certain’.

 
The Carto connection

So far, we have limited the discussion of American National Socialism in the 1960s to Rockwell and his party. As we previously explained, Rockwell’s presence during that period loomed so large that it overshadowed all other groups and efforts to spread the NS message. But no account of the Movement in the Sixties would be complete without mentioning Rockwell’s more mainstream counterpart: Willis Carto. While Rockwell was the face of the hardcore Hitlerian movement, Carto attempted to build support for it in a less-controversial manner.

Like Rockwell, Carto was a World War II veteran who was unhappy with the course that the country had taken in the postwar period. He felt that the government had been infiltrated with communists, and that, further, it was the Jews who were behind communism. Beginning in the mid-1950s, Carto launched a series of publications and business ventures designed to awaken American Whites to the danger that threatened the republic. But unlike Rockwell, Carto resolved to work within the system, and in particular, within the extreme right-wing of the Republican party.

Beginning in 1960, Carto and Rockwell would meet privately to coordinate their efforts. Carto began by publishing an article by Rockwell explaining the ANP and its approach in his publication Right! For this, he was roundly condemned by respectable conservatives who felt that support for Rockwell was beyond the pale of acceptance – whether Rockwell was right or not. Carto brushed off these criticisms by his more-timid colleagues.

Later Carto started a publishing company called Noontide Press (which still exists today). While not openly advocating National Socialism, Noontide produced books and other publications on race and revisionist history that espoused an essentially NS viewpoint. One of these books was a mass-market edition of Imperium: The Politics of Philosophy and History by Francis Parker Yockey. Yockey was a Fascist rather than a National Socialist, but he dedicated his tome to Adolf Hitler, whom he called ‘the Hero of the Second World War’. Carto also lobbied congress, and in other ways spread a message fundamentally the same as Rockwell’s to a mainstream audience.

 
Other groups

The National States Rights Party founded two years before the ANP was the largest pro-NS group in the country during the Sixties. Although based in the south, it had members and units throughout the US. In 1960, Rockwell was working as hard as he could to stay out of jail and bring in enough money to keep the lights turned on at his headquarters. That same year, the NSRP contested the presidential election, fielding former Arkansas Governor Orville Farbus for president and retired admiral John Crommelin for vice president. The NSRP ticket was on the ballot in five states and won a total of 300,000 votes.

At its height, the NSRP tabloid, The Thunderbolt: The Whiteman’s Viewpoint, had about 25,000 subscribers. Rockwell’s mailing list, in contrast, topped off at about 3,000. And yet, it was Rockwell who had the wider and more lasting impact for the decades.

The debate still rages today whether open advocacy of National Socialism or a slightly modified ‘Americanized’ approach is most effective. Certainly, in day-to-day operations, a concealed approach offers immediate advantages. But the evidence provided by Rockwell’s example suggests that over the long run, an honest, above-board strategy yields the greatest results.

James Madole’s National Renaissance Party was also active throughout the Sixties. However, it became, to a degree, a pale imitation of the ANP. Despite using the thunderbolt instead of the Swastika, and despite using a grey shirt instead of a brown shirt for its activist arm, it never had either the appeal or the success which Rockwell enjoyed.

A splinter of the ANP, called the White Party of America popped up in the middle of the decade. It was led by Karl Allen, former deputy commander of the ANP. The White Party, as it was commonly known, attempted to ape Rockwell’s policies and tactics, but without using the Swastika or referencing Adolf Hitler or National Socialism. It attracted activist types who were put off by Rockwell’s ‘Nazi’ image. In terms of membership, it quickly overtook the ANP. But like the NRP, it never had the impact or influence that Rockwell had.

Rockwell invited Allen and the White Party leadership to the June NSWPP conference mentioned previously. He hoped to merge the two groups or at least ally with them. However, as the conference began, Allen picked a quarrel with Rockwell, and the White Party delegation stormed out. Later, after it was revealed that Allen’s employer was an official of a Jewish dirty-tricks outfit, the White Party disbanded. Some suspect that it was a false flag operation all along, designed to draw manpower and economic support from people who would have otherwise supported Rockwell.

 
Summing up the Sixties

For American National Socialism, the 1960s was a time for both renewal and experimentation. When the Second World War ended in 1945, it was widely assumed that National Socialism was dead and gone forever, especially in the US, where it had never been that strong, to begin with. But through the courage, genius and Herculean effort of one man, National Socialism was reborn. Although the Rockwell movement did not amount to much in terms of numbers during his lifetime, Rockwell laid the groundwork for the continued existence and growth of his Cause into the future. It was then up to those who took up the mantle of his leadership to determine whether the potential that Rockwell had uncovered would be realized or not.

Published in: on December 20, 2021 at 2:34 pm  Comments Off on History of American NS, 6  

On wolf-clothed lambs

In Siege, James Mason wrote:

In revolution as in any war, actual accomplishment of it primarily involves KILLING and the consequences of that. The sooner the Movement accepts all this as merely par-for-the-course, the sooner things will begin going more in our direction.

True, but since Mason wrote that in the 1980s, he hasn’t killed an enemy, nor will the group of wolf-clothed lambs who worship his book kill any. They are de facto like today’s white nationalists, who advocate a reactionary ideology, never a revolutionary one. The latter aren’t even capable of advocating a revolution in the distant future to stay out of trouble, nor will they. What the racialists, wolf-clothed or not, fail to understand is that before any cure it’s necessary to know the aetiology of a problem.

Mason wrote The Theocrat, where he compares biblical passages with Mein Kampf. As I said on pages 171-75 of Daybreak (see sidebar for links), Mason’s neochristianity, or Satanism in the symbols of Attomwaffen Division, the pseudo-NS group that reads Siege, keeps and will keep them in a pond from which they have to emerge.

An old commenter on this site just said: ‘That the Bund movement—25K membership—popped like a balloon pricked with a pin the day after the Pearl Habor event shows just how weak its foundations were unlike Christianity that’s stood the test of time; and unlike Jewry, too, standing the tests of time. The NS’ers—myself included—aren’t even out of the womb yet’.

Indeed! Any ideology of racial preservation that doesn’t confront the basic aetiology of the problem, Christian ethics, was and will be epidermic or ‘not out of the womb yet’. If they were to confront it, then the fantasy of all the racialists in the world would be to destroy all the churches, including the ones inside the Vatican.

As long as the diagnosis is not properly made about what’s killing the white race, it is impossible to begin the cure. That’s why as soon as Germany was defeated in 1945 the survivors didn’t pick up the torch that fell to the ground. As I said on Friday, publicly Hitler didn’t speak to the masses without a parable, but he explained everything to his apostles. It is time to read not Mein Kampf or Siege, but Uncle Adolf’s after-dinner talks where, among his apostles, he spoke very badly of Christianity.

Postscript:

The fifth part of the translation of Bardamu’s essay on Christianity is now available in the German section of this site.

History of American NS, 5

The pre-Rockwell years (1946-1958)

For good or for ill, the German American Bund was the primary exponent of open National Socialism in the US before America entered the War. After the voluntary dissolution of the Bund on December 8, 1941, there was no open advocacy of the National Socialist worldview in the US until George Lincoln Rockwell raised the Swastika banner in Arlington, Virginia, on March 8, 1959. The option to re-found the Movement was theoretically available as soon as the War had ended in 1945. However, the immediate post-War political and social climate was so hostile to National Socialism that even the most stalwart American National Socialists were unwilling to take that path forward.

But still, the struggle went on, albeit in the political shadows, rather than in the light of day. Various pro-NS or neo-NS activist groups arose during the pre-Rockwell period that attempted to advance the Cause without openly declaring themselves to be National Socialist.

There is a great divide – really, a chasm – that divides the pre-War Movement from the post-War Movement. To a degree this separation is one of ideology: the world was a much different place in the 1950s than it was in the 1930s, and it was a natural and organic development that the Movement’s policies evolved to fit the new dispensation.

But the real differences are those of quantity and quality. If pre-War American National Socialism was, at best, a minor movement on the American political scene, it became microscopic in its numbers in the post-War period. The Bund had 25,000 members at its height, of whom 3,000 were uninformed activists. In contrast, the National Socialist White People’s Party at its strongest in the early 1970s never had more than 800 supporters and 200 Stormtroopers. Adjusted for population growth, this meant that the NSWPP had about two per cent of the Bund’s numerical strength relative to the total US population, and perhaps three per cent of its activists.

It can be said that both the pre-War and post-War movements were led by men who were fanatically committed to the Cause, who were intelligent, and who and possessed stable personalities. But the pre-War Movement’s rank-and-file members were also of similar quality: men with careers, families, marriages, community standing and the like. In contrast, the fringe nature of the post-War Movement often meant that its rank-and-file adherents had eccentric personalities, and frequently lived on the edges of American society. This is especially true of the Movement’s activist contingent. There were, of course, a percentage of rank-and-file supporters who had successful lives in society’s mainstream. But normally these comrades kept a low profile and played a passive role rather than an active one.

 
The Columbians

On August 18, 1946, Emory Burke, along with Henry Loomis and John Zimmerlee, incorporated the ‘Columbians Workers Movement of America’ in Georgia. It was commonly referred to simply as ‘the Columbians’. Although short-lived, the Columbians was the first attempt to rebuild the Movement after the catastrophe of 1945.

Burke was a National Socialist at heart, but he realized that with the War barely a year over, open advocacy of the Hitlerian worldview was a non-starter. Rather, something in line with American traditions and values would have a greater chance of success.

______ 卐 ______

 
Editor’s note: This was a gigantic mistake by the American racialists, and it persists to this day.

The correct way would have been, as I have said, to found a publishing house for books like Hellstorm: The Death of Nazi Germany, 1944-1947, which decades later Tom Goodrich would write. All the information was already there, in the 1940s (Goodrich’s sources!). The sources only had to be cited in emotive books like Goodrich’s to show that the Allied narrative about the war was a hoax.

But they didn’t. Today’s westerners still ignore that the Allies committed a real Holocaust of Germans after 1945. The blame lies entirely with these Americans who didn’t want to do astute metapolitics (Goodrich-like books) but activism—a fool’s errand because of the media brainwash of the masses.
 

______ 卐 ______

 
What he had in mind was a dynamic racial movement, something more political than the Ku Klux Klan and more racially focused than Christian Nationalism. Burke was a veteran of numerous pre-War organizations, and he was still in contact with leaders of the old movement who still had some fight left in them, such as George Deatherage, Gerald L.K. Smith, and Gen. George Van Horn Moseley. However, he also attracted recruits who had only come of age since the War. One of these was a young attorney from Chattanooga named J.B. Stoner; another was high school student Edward Reed Fields, transplanted to Atlanta from Chicago. Although neither of these two young men would play a significant role in the Columbians, the racialist movement would hear more from them in the years to come.

Burke and his comrades spent several months in preparation before publicly launching their new enterprise. In June 1947, they were ready. A headquarters had been secured in Atlanta, and the first issue of a newsletter, The Thunderbolt, had been issued, along with a program. Following in the steps of the pre-War movement, the Columbians had a uniform: khaki, with a red thunderbolt insignia on the left arm. The thunderbolt was also featured on their banner, which was patterned after the Confederate battle flag.

The Columbians held meetings and made a concerted effort to attract White workers and recently demobilized soldiers. In July, they began night-time patrols of White working-class neighbourhoods that were bordered by Negro areas: Blacks criminals, who had historically preyed on other Negroes, had begun to drift into White neighbourhoods after the sun went down.

The rise of the Columbians disturbed the political establishment of Atlanta, and it scared the city’s large and powerful Jewish community. After an incident in which a Columbian patrol injured a Black man found wandering at night through a White neighbourhood, the authorities cracked down on the group. Its leaders, including Burke, were arrested on charges of ‘usurping police powers’ – that is, conducting a citizens’ patrol to do a job that the police were failing to do. Burke was sentenced to prison, and the charter of the Columbians was revoked.

The Columbians were in operation only a scant two months. Their total membership numbered less than 200, of whom only a couple dozen were actively involved. Yet their example inspired racial nationalists elsewhere. Slowly, the Movement was beginning to reawaken.

 
National Renaissance Party

Before describing the National Renaissance Party, a cautionary note is necessary: Almost without exception, everything that may be found online or in printed books concerning the NRP and its leader, James H. Madole, is flat-out wrong. Wikipedia has collected the most egregious falsehoods about the NRP and exaggerated them further, and then published them as the truth. Virtually nothing that you may have heard about the NRP from such sources is correct.

The National Renaissance Party was officially founded on January 1, 1949, following several months of negotiations among various minor leaders of the pre-War movement who decided to combine their meagre memberships and resources into a single new group. The main groups involved were Kurt Mertig’s Citizens Protective League, the German-American Republican League (also led by Mertig) and William Henry MacFarland’s Nationalist Action League. Mertig was named as the chairman of the group, but it was under the operational control of 22-year-old James Harting Madole, a new post-War recruit.

Madole was brilliant, energetic, fearless and an effective public speaker. One of his contacts was Charles B. Hudson, who had been a defendant in the 1944 Sedition Trial described previously. Hudson shared Madoles’s interests in racial nationalist politics, space travel, science fiction and the occult. And here we come to one of Madole’s shortcomings: his trouble in separating his enthusiasms from his political career. However, this problem only manifested itself later, in the 1970s, and was not a handicap during the NRP’s early years.

Madole’s title was National Director, and he held the real power within the small party. A nine-point program was drafted, stationery was printed up, and the first issue of the party’s publication, the National Renaissance Bulletin was issued. The lead article of the inaugural issue ‘Americans, Awake’, was authored by Madole. He continued to issue the newsletter without interruption until death in 1979.

(James Madole, left.) From the very beginning, the NRP showed itself to be different from many of the pre-War NS and Christian Nationalist groups, in that it took a serious interest in ideas and ideologies. Madole’s goal was to build a new Aryan super-civilisation in North America, not just to save the Constitution from the Jews. He was anti-rightwing, anti-capitalist and anti-Christian, all of which earned him the hostility of the Christian Nationalists and their allies, such as the Ku Klux Klan.

An early NRP associate was Francis Parker Yockey, who attended NRP meetings and activities, although he never officially became a member. Madole shared Yockey’s assessment that Stalin had broken the power of the Jewish-Bolsheviks in the USSR, and was steering the Soviet Union ever-closer to the traditional Russia of the czars. Whereas the mainstream view of the Soviets in the West during the Cold War was that they were ideologically monolithic, Madole perceived that there was a behind-the-scenes struggle taking place between the remaining Jewish Marxists on one hand, and Russian nationalists on the other. The smart thing, Madole felt, was to encourage the nationalists within the Soviet regime, and forge an alliance with them, which he tried to do. This nuanced appraisal of the USSR was lost on the American Right of the 1950s, who decided that Madole was just a racist, anti-Semitic communist.

______ 卐 ______

 
Editor’s note: This flaw would also appear among some white nationalists of the next century with their mad infatuation with Putin’s Russia.

______ 卐 ______

 
The NRP never defined itself as National Socialist, although it praised Adolf Hitler and NS Germany. In the early years, the NRP used both Swastikas and thunderbolts on its printed material. Initially, the NRP did not have a uniformed, paramilitary section. However, repeated efforts by its opponents to disrupt NRP public activities convinced Madole that such a formation was needed, and in 1953 he formed the ‘Elite Guard’, who wore black uniforms with thunderbolt armbands. The EG was under the joint command of Hans Schmidt and an 18-year-old Matt Koehl, who was just beginning his apprenticeship in NS politics.

From the very beginning, the NRP had an aggressive program of public activities. Typically, Madole and his followers would commandeer a busy sidewalk corner in a White neighbourhood of New York City, gather a crowd, and begin speaking. Some twenty-two rallies of this sort were held in 1953, for example. Madole pulled no punches in his speeches. A report to the FBI from this period from an informant describes him as ‘a vicious son-of-a-bitch’. New York’s huge Jewish community, as well as the FBI, became aware of and alarmed by, the NRP activities. Hostile and mocking publicity ensued, such as a major article in the New York Post, ‘The Man Who Wants to Be Fuehrer’.

Demands were soon made that the authorities ‘do something’ about Madole. The problem was that Madole, like the earlier German-American Bund, conducted his activities strictly within the letter of the law. One thing that the Federal government could do, however, was to ‘investigate’ the NRP. In 1954, the House Unamerican Activities Committee, under the leadership of Harold H. Velde (R-Illinois) launched an investigation of the NRP and other ‘hate groups’. Party members were interrogated and spied on. The Movement feared that the government was going to crack down on the NRP in a heavy-handed manner as it did a decade earlier with the Bund when dozens of Bund members were sent to prison. Many members dropped out of the NRP and others scattered to the four winds, some running as far as Mexico.

The government’s findings were released on December 17, 1954, in a grandiosely entitled Preliminary Report on Neo-Fascist and Hate Groups, often referred to as The Velde Report for short. It was a scant 32-pages in length, half of which were devoted to the NRP. HUAC concluded that while the NRP was ‘Unamerican’ it did not pose an immediate threat to the American republic.

The Feds estimated that there were 200 NRP members. After the release of the report, there were far fewer. Only a tiny handful of activists remained. But Madole soldiered on. On one occasion, two or three party members climbed to the roof of a Manhattan skyscraper and showered thousands of leaflets onto the sidewalk below during a busy rush hour. But although Madole continued the party until his death, the effectiveness of the NRP as a vehicle for promoting National Socialism, or ‘Racial Nationalism’ as Madole preferred to call it, was over.

New York City was the centre of American National Socialism and Christian Nationalism before the Second World War. Consequently, it made some sense to try to exploit whatever residual support remained there in the late 1940s. But a decade later, New York was enemy territory. An insane Jew took Madole hostage in February 1958, with the intent of killing him, but Madole escaped unharmed. His remaining followers told him that he needed to relocate both the party and himself to a Whiter area, but Madole stubbornly remained in New York until the end.

 
United White Party / National States Rights Party

Mention was made earlier of Edward Fields, a high school student affiliated with the short-lived Columbians. After the demise of the Columbians, Fields continued his participation in the shadowy world of the post-War movement. In the early 1950s he journeyed to New York City, to check out the NRP. He was impressed by Madole’s intellect and dedication but put off by Madole’s ideological radicalism. He did not like Madole’s embrace of (non-Marxist) socialism, nor did he accept The New Yorker’s analysis that the USSR was no longer under strict Jewish control. Field’s also had a poor impression of many of the NRP’s activists, some of whom had marginal personalities and lifestyles.

Fields was not a National Socialist, but his belief system ran parallel to it, especially on racial issues. His goal was to create a racial movement that combined the ideology of the Columbians with a base of mass support among racially conscious Whites, who at that time were the majority of the White population.

In 1957, Fields was instrumental in convening a gathering of White racialists in Knoxville, Tennessee, to unite various small groups together into a single large party. Among those attending the gathering were Emory Burke, J.B. Stoner, Wallace Allen and John Kasper. Also present was 22-year-old Matt Koehl, who attended as a protégé of the controversial movement personality DeWest Hooker, who was unable to attend.

The immediate outcome of the convention was the formation of the United White Party, which was reorganized the following year as the National States Rights Party. It would remain the largest White racialist formation in the US for the next two decades.

Anti-Jewish attorney J.B. Stoner was the public face of the party, while Fields ran its day-to-day operations, and edited its monthly tabloid newspaper, The Thunderbolt. The publication took its name from that of the newsletter put out by the Columbians in 1946. The NSRP also adopted the flag and the thunderbolt insignia of the Columbians. Indeed, it can be said that the party was an extension or version of the earlier group. There were close ties between the NSRP and the Klan movement, although the NSRP pursued a strictly political agenda and the Klan operated in other arenas. The membership of the party and the KKK overlapped, and, with some accuracy, the NSRP was often referred to as the political wing of the Klan movement.

Although it was not a NS formation, the party had many National Socialists among its ranks. To keep these members from drifting away, Fields would confide to them that the NSRP’s initials secretly stood for ‘National Socialist Revolutionary Party’. This, and similar practices, later got Fields condemned as a ‘sneaky Nazi’. But Fields had good reason to be concerned about losing his NS members because an open, forthright National Socialist leader was only months away from raising the Swastika banner for the first time since 1945.

 
The advent of George Lincoln Rockwell

One participant in the Knoxville conclave who did not go on to join the UWP was a 39-year-old naval commander, who introduced himself to the gathering as ‘George Lincoln’. He gave a presentation to the convention outlining a plan to relocate the Black population of the US to Africa. He called it the ‘Lincoln Plan’.

George Lincoln Rockwell had abandoned his philosophy major at Brown University in 1941 because he, like many other Americans, could sense that war was on the horizon. As a patriotic American, he felt that it was his duty to defend his country in times of war. Beyond that, he believed that he had a moral obligation to help ‘stop Hitler’ from ‘conquering the world’. He joined the navy as an ordinary seaman; by the end of the conflict, he had risen to the rank of lieutenant commander. After the War, he became a member of the Naval Reserve. Rockwell was called back to active duty during the Korean War. He was eventually promoted to full commander.

Lincoln Rockwell was one of any number of former servicemen who came home to an America they did not recognize. Softness in the face of Communist aggression abroad, cultural Marxism at home, feminism, and what was euphemistically termed ‘civil rights’ were features of post-War America. But most of these men merely grumbled and got on with their lives. Rockwell, being more sensitive and reflective than his compatriots, began to investigate what had gone wrong. This was not the America that Rockwell and the others had fought for – and for which 500,000 Americans had died.

While stationed in San Diego during the Korean War, he became involved in the movement to draft Gen. Douglas MacArthur as the 1952 Republican presidential candidate. Through his contacts in the conservative wing of the Republican party, he was exposed to his first anti-Semitic literature. He did not take it seriously. But over time, he noticed that the charges made in anti-Jewish publications were, by and large, factually correct. Specifically, he was horrified to learn that the Jews were behind the communist movement both, at home and abroad.

In his political autobiography, This Time the World (1962), he wrote of this time:

I wondered about Adolf Hitler and the Nazis. I had learned that he was right about the Jews. It might be worth reading his book to see if he had anything else right, too.

I hunted around the San Diego bookshops and finally found a copy of Mein Kampf hidden away in the rear. I bought it, took it home, and sat down to read.

And that was the end of Lincoln Rockwell, the ‘nice guy’ – the ‘dumb goy’ – and the beginning of an entirely different person.

That was probably sometime in 1952. Rockwell was instantly converted to National Socialism. He spent the next seven years trying to find a workable strategy to promote National Socialism in a quiet, low-key way through the extreme right-wing of the Republican party. All of these efforts came to nought. Although there was plenty of awareness of the Jewish Question and racial issues in right-wing circles, there was no will or courage to tackle these problems effectively.

Rockwell realized that the Republicans were not the solution to the problems to which he had been awakened. But he was also unimpressed with the little NS or racialist groups that he investigated. It gradually dawned on him that if he could not work through any of the existing formations, he would have to start one himself.

By 1958 he had made the acquaintance of Harold Arrowsmith, an eccentric, anti-Jewish multi-millionaire (a billionaire in today’s terms). After some negotiation, they agreed: Arrowsmith would finance the new movement, and Rockwell would run its operations. Rockwell had his idea for a name for the group, but Arrowsmith insisted on the ‘National Committee to Free America from Jewish Domination’. A house in Arlington, Virginia, was rented for use as a headquarters, and a printing press was installed in its basement.

One of Rockwell’s strengths was that he thought in grand terms: thinking big is the key to big results. As the inaugural manifestation of the Committee, Rockwell planned for several nationwide anti-Jewish demonstrations to take place simultaneously. Rockwell himself would lead a picket of the White House, while Fields would hold demonstrations at the same moment in Knoxville and Atlanta. Rockwell hoped that James Madole would come aboard in New York City, while DeWest Hooker would lead an activity in Boston. Rockwell further wanted other demonstrations in Chicago, San Diego and elsewhere.

In the event, Rockwell went ahead in Washington and Fields in Knoxville and Atlanta, but the others fell through.

Still, it was an auspicious beginning – but soon everything collapsed. A suspicious bombing of a synagogue in Atlanta that was undergoing renovation led to the arrest of the Atlanta demonstrators. Arrowsmith was picked up by the FBI and interrogated for hours as though he were a common thief, all his wealth notwithstanding. The Arlington headquarters, which was also the home of Rockwell and his family, came under repeated attack and he sent his wife and children to safety in Iceland.

Finally, Arrowsmith withdrew his support and ordered Rockwell to vacate the house and return the printing press. Rockwell fought back and won a delay: at the beginning, he had insisted that Arrowsmith sign a contract, and it held up in court. But the victory was only temporary. The year 1958 came to a bleak end for Rockwell: he had put himself in a position where he could not turn back, and he could not see a way forward.

On March 8, 1959, Rockwell received a package sent to him by James K. Warner, a young admirer. In it was a large, Third Reich-era Swastika banner. A tingling ran up Rockwell’s spine: He suddenly saw the way forward.

Published in: on December 19, 2021 at 1:47 pm  Comments Off on History of American NS, 5  

History of American NS, 4

1942-1945 (The War Years)

The Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. The next day the German-American Bund burnt its membership lists and other sensitive documents and dissolved itself. Three days later, Hitler declared war on the United States.

With very few exceptions, which will be discussed below, the other American NS and pro-NS groups followed the Bund’s lead. But the Bund’s 25,000 members did not simply evaporate, nor did they cease believing in National Socialism. The America First Committee, associated with Charles Lindbergh, had 800,000 members. Most of these people, if not all, were broadly sympathetic to Hitler’s Germany. They, too, did not simply cease to exist when their movement formally shut down its operations on December 10.

The first reaction of the rank-and-file adherents and sympathizers of National Socialism was to go to the ground. They hoped that the crackdown they expected would pass them over if they kept a low profile, remained out of the public eye and did not cause trouble.

The leadership was a little bit warier: they knew that in the eyes of the government they were enemy agents operating in the American homeland in a time of war and that they would not simply be ignored. They knew that they were in for a rough ride.

 
The persecution of the Bund

Some Bund chapters did not accept the shutdown ordered by the national headquarters in New York to be absolute and binding, and continued operations for a while on a reduced basis. But in short order, they, too, closed down. Then it was quiet for a while.

The last national leader of the Bund was George Froebose. He had been the Midwest district leader for the group when Gerhard Wilhelm Kunze, Fritz Kuhn’s successor, mysteriously disappeared in the autumn of 1941. As the most senior-ranking Bund officer, he formally took over in Kunze’s place. But Froboese was in poor health and allowed August Klapprott and others to run the Bund on a day-to-day basis. In the middle of June 1942, he was served with a subpoena and ordered to report to New York to answer questions about the Bund’s operations. He never made it. The official story was that he lay down on a railroad track in Waterloo, Indiana, and allowed a train to decapitate him. But although his death was ruled a suicide, Klapprott and others who knew him suspected foul play.

On July 7, 1942, the former leaders of the now-defunct Bund were arrested in coordinated nationwide raids by the FBI and other law enforcement agencies. Frederick Schraeder, the editor of the Free American, died of a heart attack during the raid when armed FBI agents broke into his house in the dead of night to arrest him. He was 83.

Since the Bund had conducted its operations with scrupulous legality, the government had to fabricate spurious charges to arrest its leaders. The Bundsmen were accused of ‘conspiring to undermine the morale of the armed forces of the United States’ by encouraging men of military age to avoid wartime service. (In point of fact, the Bund had issued a directive encouraging its members to comply with the draft.) The initial wave of arrests targeted the leadership, but other arrests followed in the succeeding months. Eventually, even individual members of the Bund’s youth organizations were tracked down. In some cases, they were pulled from their classrooms in front of other students, handcuffed, and marched away.

In October 1942, the Bund leaders were found guilty of ‘sedition’ and sentenced to five years in prison. The majority were sent to a forced labour camp in Sandstone, Minnesota. The conditions there were rough. Some of the men died and others had their health shattered. Gustav Elmer, former Bund Organizational Secretary, suffered a mental breakdown and was transferred to an insane asylum. Malnourishment cost August Klapprott all of his teeth and put him in a wheelchair. Once, before being sent to Sandstone, he had been brutally beaten by prison guards.

Although they were interned without trial, rank-and-file Bund members and their families who were rounded up fared better. Most of these were sent to a detention camp in Crystal City, Texas. There, the government built a complex of internment facilities, including those for Japanese and Italian Americans, as well as those of German descent. In all, some 7,000 Germans and German-Americans were imprisoned for the duration of the War.

In May 1943, former Bundesleiter Fritz Kuhn was paroled from New York’s Sing Sing prison, where he had been serving a sentence for allegedly embezzling Bund funds. He was then sent to Crystal City, where he enjoyed celebrity status among his fellow National Socialists.

Although not luxurious by any means, the conditions in the Crystal City camps were livable. Families were kept together, and private cottages were provided for the bigger families. The inmates largely governed themselves, and the Bund members organized their camp into a functioning National Socialist community. NS holidays were celebrated (such as Hitler’s birthday on April 20) and NS flags were proudly displayed. There was a camp newspaper published in German. Two schools were provided for youngsters: an ‘American’ school run by the government, in which instruction was in English, and a ‘German’ school run by the inmates, with German-language instruction. Most parents opted to send their children to German school.

Following the War, the federal government slowly released the detainees. About 1,000 were repatriated to Germany. One of those sent back was Fritz Kuhn. He settled in Munich, where died in poverty in December 1951, an unrepentant National Socialist to the end. The rest were allowed to stay. The last camp was closed in 1948 – three years after the end of the War.

‘Adolf Hitler Strasse’, a street running through Camp Siegfried

 
Operations ‘Pastorius’ and ‘Elster’

The government’s true rationale for the persecution of the Bund was not, as it falsely claimed, that the Bund was subverting the US military. Rather, it was the fear that if the Germans invaded the North American mainland the Bund would constitute a ‘fifth column’ to assist the Wehrmacht. War propaganda had reached a fever pitch, to the point that most Americans believed that such an invasion was a real possibility.

But the Germans only landed men on US soil twice during the War, and in both cases, the efforts proved so weak and poorly organized that they collapsed immediately, and never posed any threat to the US.

The first of these missions was Operation Pastorius (named after an early German-American settler in the New World). In June 1942, German submarines landed two four-man teams on the East Coast, one on Long Island, and one in Florida. The men were agents of the Abwehr (German military intelligence) and they had been tasked with sabotaging the US war effort. Two were American citizens and the other German nationals who had lived in the US.

The effort disintegrated almost instantaneously when two of the would-be saboteurs turned themselves into the FBI and betrayed their comrades. The two traitors were sentenced to prison and the other six men were executed on August 8, after being convicted of espionage by a secret military tribunal.

Hitler was angry with Abwehr chief Admiral Wilhelm Canaris over the botched operation, and no further sabotage missions were launched against the United States.

In November 1944, two German agents were landed by submarine in Maine. Their assignment was to report on the production of war materials. The mission, called Operation Elster, also ended in disaster when the two agents were captured soon after landing. They were sentenced to prison.

The threat of a mass invasion of the US by Germany had been a phantom all along, and the Bund had played no role in assisting the minuscule efforts that did take place.

 
The Great Sedition Trial of 1944

President Franklin Roosevelt, who had been a frequent target of the German-American Bund and its Christian Nationalist allies, was not satisfied with the destruction of the Bund. He wanted every vestige of pro-Axis sentiment obliterated. Early in 1942, Roosevelt ordered Attorney General Francis Biddle to organize a comprehensive prosecution of NS and Fascist sympathizers and anti-Semites. The legal justification for this was to be the Smith Act, which made it illegal to call for the overthrow of the Federal government.

The government’s case was problematic from the beginning. The initial theory of the case was that those indicted were sympathetic to Hitler’s Germany and that had conspired together to help Hitler take over the United States. The first assumption was correct, that all of those under indictment to some degree or another had a favourable impression of National Socialist Germany. But, as a group, they were not united in either thought or action and did not collectively ‘conspire’ to do anything. And, certainly, there was no thought of aiding a German conquest of the US.

Nonetheless, the prosecution went ahead, indicting an ever-changing roster of defendants three different times before settling on a final list. Here are the 30 defendants (28 men and two women) listed in the final indictment. It constitutes an honour roll of National Socialists and Christian Nationalists from the 1930s and early 1940s. Many of those indicted were associated with more than one organization, but accompanying each name is the group with which each defendant was most prominently affiliated.

  1. Garland L. Alderman – National Workers’ League
  2. David Baxter – Social Republic Society
  3. Howard Victor Broenstrupp – Silver Shirt Legion
  4. Frank W. Clark – National Liberty Party
  5. George E. Deatherage – National Workers’ League
  6. Prescott Freese Dennett – Citizens Committee to Keep America Out of the War
  7. Lawrence Dennis – Author of The Coming American Fascism, The Dynamics of War and Revolution and other books
  8. Elizabeth Dilling – Patriotic Research Bureau
  9. Hans Diebel – German-American Bund
  10. Robert Edward Edmonston – Editor of the American Vigilante Bulletin
  11. Ernst Friedrich Elmhurst – Pan-Aryan League
  12. Franz K. Ferenz – German-American Bund
  13. Elmer J. Garner – Editor of Publicity newsletter
  14. Charles B. Hudson – Publicist
  15. Ellis O. Jones – National Copperheads
  16. August Klapprott – German-American Bund
  17. Gerhard Wilhelm Kunze – German-American Bund
  18. Lois de Lafayette Washburn – National Gentile League
  19. William Robert Lyman, Jr. – National Workers’ League
  20. Joseph E. McWilliams – Leader of the Christian Mobilizers, later renamed the American Destiny Party
  21. Robert Noble – Friends of Progress
  22. William Dudley Pelley – Leader of the Silver Shirt Legion
  23. E.J. Parker Sage – National Workers’ League, Black Legion
  24. Eugene Nelson Sanctuary – American Christian Defenders
  25. Herman Max Schwinn – German-American Bund
  26. Edward James Smythe – Protestant War Veterans of America
  27. James True – Editor of Nation and Race magazine
  28. Peter Stahrenberg – Leader of the American National-Socialist Party
  29. George Sylvester Viereck – German American Fellowship Forum
  30. Gerald. P. Winrod – Defenders of the Christian Faith

Notably missing from the list are Charles Lindbergh, Father Charles Coughlin and Fritz Kuhn. Lindbergh was hugely popular with the American public, who considered him to be a hero. Including him in the indictment would have made the prosecution’s case less believable and less sympathetic. Father Coughlin, known as the ‘radio priest’ for his broadcast sermons, was indeed openly anti-Jewish – but he had an enormous following, and, to an extent, he enjoyed the backing of the Roman Catholic Church. So, he, too, was not charged. Fritz Kuhn was already in prison on separate charges and had not been active politically in the run-up to the War.

The government’s original theory of the case, that the defendants comprised a conspiracy to aid Hitler in his conquest of the US, was ridiculous and was discarded before the proceedings began. In its place, the prosecution substituted the ploy that had worked for them in the case against the Bund: that the defendants conspired to undermine the US military. Specifically, they were charged with subverting the military by criticizing its commander-in-chief, President Franklin Roosevelt.

This, too, was a ludicrous theory: criticizing a sitting president has never been considered treason. But ‘undermining the military’ had worked against the Bund, and the government hoped it would work this time too. O. John Rogge was the lead prosecution attorney; Edward C. Eicher was the judge. An indictment was handed down on January 3, 1944, and the trial began on April 17. The government’s case ran into problems immediately. The Bundsmen had been unpopular defendants, with a lazy and timid lawyer. This time, each of the 30 defendants had their attorney, some of whom were experienced and aggressive. They challenged Rogge’s case at every turn. Some of the accused, such as Elizabeth Dilling, had powerful friends and connections. As the trial progressed, the media began to mock the prosecution for its ineptness.

On November 29, Judge Eicher died suddenly of a heart attack. A new judge was appointed. After reviewing the evidence that the prosecution had provided, he declared a mistrial and dismissed the indictments. Although Rogge was still enthusiastic about going forward with new charges, the Department of Justice had no stomach for renewing the case and did not back him. The only allies he could find were the American Jewish Committee and the Communist Party, USA. In 1947, a Washington, DC, court of appeals upheld the dismissal.

But although the government failed to obtain the verdict it wanted, it achieved its primary objective: the trial crushed the Christian Nationalist movement. It rendered the most prominent and effective CN leaders politically impotent, destroyed their organizations and publications, and it intimidated their rank-and-file followers into silence. Whatever base of support that National Socialists and Christian Nationalists had enjoyed previously was now gone: they and their cause were now anathemas among ordinary Americans.

 
The National Worker’s League

Despite the brutal persecution of the Bund, a few small pro-NS groups continued to solider on even after the war began. The most notable of these was the National Workers’ League, based in the Detroit area. The NWL was formed in 1938. Ostensibly, it was led by Sage Parker, Garland Alderman and William Lyman, but another man, Russell Roberts, made the most important policy decisions behind the scenes. Their publication was the typewritten Nationalist Newsletter.

The NWL concentrated its efforts on organizing White workers in Michigan and elsewhere in the Upper Midwest. It also was outspoken in its opposition to the War. In 1942, when racial fighting broke out between Whites and Blacks in Detroit, the NWL was at the forefront of organizing the White resistance.

The federal government decided that the League, which was building strength in the armaments industries, posed a potential threat to the War effort. In 1943, its newsletter was banned from the US mail, effectively terminating it, and subsequently, the NWL ceased operations. In 1944, Parker, Alderman and Lyman were indicted in the ‘sedition’ trial discussed earlier. Roberts, however, escaped prosecution. A successor group, the United Sons of America, took the place of the NWL, but it was only a pale reflection of the original group.

 
The Citizens Protective League

Although he is little-known today, Kurt Mertig was an influential National Socialist activist and organizer during the 1930s and 1940s. He was born in Germany and became a naturalized US citizen. In addition to being affiliated with the Bund and other groups, he also ran an organization of his own, the Citizens Protective League. The innocuously-named CPL pursued a hardline NS agenda while maintaining a low profile. In some respects, it resembled the National Alliance of Dr William L. Pierce two generations later. Mertig and his associates rejected the uniformed marches of the Bund and the rabble-rousing speech-making of ‘Nazi Joe’ McWilliams and instead appealed to a sober, serious middle-class audience.

Before the War, the CPL held meetings every Monday evening in a hall in Yorkville, a German-American neighbourhood of Manhattan. While the Bund and other groups disbanded after Pearl Harbor, Mertig continued his low-profile meetings without missing a beat. When, eventually, the CPL lost the use of the Yorkville meeting hall, Mertig shifted the location of his gatherings to the private homes of some of his more-affluent members. This was done on a rotating basis so that the CPL never met in the same place twice in a row.

Mertig escaped the sedition indictment, perhaps because the feds thought he was a small fish not worth their efforts. Nonetheless, in 1943 he was ordered to relocate inland, out of the three-hundred-mile ‘exclusion zone’ that the military declared for the East and West coasts. Presumably, this was to prevent him from aiding the feared German invasion.

Mertig kept his small group together throughout the conflict, and in 1949 he used it as a membership base when he formed the National Renaissance Party, which will be discussed in subsequent instalments of this series.

 
Other movements

Although the purpose of this series is to specifically chronicle and analyze American National Socialism, there are a few other wartime developments of movements allied to National Socialism that should be mentioned.

In 1942, Rev. Gerald L. K. Smith, a former associate of Louisiana governor Huey Long and a champion of Christian Nationalism, founded The Cross and the Flag magazine, which was to be the banner publication of the CN movement into the 1970s.

In the summer of 1944, the Internal Revenue Service, on orders from the Roosevelt regime, placed a lien on all assets of the Ku Klux Klan, effectively (but only temporarily) putting an end to it.

In November 1944, Smith contested the presidential election as the candidate of the America First Party. He was on the ballot in only two states and received a paltry 1,781 votes (1,531 in Michigan and 250 in Texas). This was the low point of American racialism in the 20th century.

We should also mention the ‘Mothers Movement’, founded in 1939 after the outbreak of the war in Europe. It is sometimes known by its campaign name of ‘We, the Mothers’. Its initial goal was to prevent US entry into the War. After Pearl Harbor, it urged an end to the War through a negotiated peace. Before the Normandy D-Day, it vociferously opposed the ‘second front’ invasion of Europe.

All of the groups that continued to fight on after the US entry into the war were weak and ineffective in the face of their main adversary, which was the Federal government. It is a testament to the strength of their beliefs and their courage that they refused to bend the knee or give up the fight, despite the insurmountable odds that they faced.

The War in Europe came to an end on May 8, 1945. The Japanese formally surrendered on September 2. All charges were finally dismissed against the sedition trial defendants on May 18, 1946.

On August 16, 1946, Emory Burke founded the Columbian Workers Movement of America (or simply ‘the Columbians’), and the work of rebuilding National Socialism in America commenced.
 

______ 卐 ______

 
Editor’s note: Let’s cite a quotable quote by James Mason: ‘In Germany they wanted to be given the Truth, and Adolf Hitler and the NSDAP provided it. Here, they don’t want the Truth and will try to kill you if you offer it’.

Published in: on December 18, 2021 at 11:37 am  Comments Off on History of American NS, 4